22.1: France under Louis XV
22.1.1: Catherine’s Foreign Policy Goals
During Catherine the Great’s reign, Russia significantly extended its borders by absorbing new territories, most notably from the Ottoman Empires and the Commonwealth of Poland-Lithuania, as well as
attempted to serve as an international mediator in disputes that could, or did, lead to war.
Learning Objective
Describe Catherine the Great’s foreign policy efforts and to what extent she achieved her goals
Key Points
-
During her reign, Catherine extended the borders
of the Russian Empire southward and westward to absorb New Russia, Crimea, Northern Caucasus,
Right-bank Ukraine, Belarus, Lithuania, and Courland at the expense, mainly, of
two powers – the Ottoman Empire and the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. Under
her rule, some 200,000 square miles (520,000 km2)
were added to Russian territory. -
Catherine made Russia the dominant power in
south-eastern Europe after her first Russo-Turkish War against the Ottoman
Empire (1768–74), which saw some of the heaviest defeats in Ottoman history.
In
1786, Catherine conducted a triumphal procession in the Crimea, which helped
provoke the next Russo–Turkish War. This war, catastrophic for the Ottomans,
legitimized the Russian claim to
the Crimea. -
Catherine’s triumph in Crimea is linked to a
concept of Potemkin villages. In politics and economics, Potemkin villages
refer to any construction (literal or figurative) built solely to deceive
others into thinking that a situation is better than it really is. -
Although the idea of partitioning the Commonwealth of Poland-Lithuania came from Frederick the Great of Prussia, Catherine took a leading role
in carrying it out (in three separate partitions of 1772, 1793, and 1795).
Russia
completed the partitioning of Poland-Lithuania with Prussia and Austria and the Commonwealth ceased to exist as an independent state. -
Catherine longed for recognition as an
enlightened sovereign. She pioneered for Russia the role that Britain later
played through most of the 19th and early 20th centuries as an international
mediator in disputes that could, or did, lead to war. - In
1780, she established a League of Armed Neutrality, designed to defend neutral
shipping from the British Royal Navy during the American Revolution. After
establishing a league of neutral parties, Catherine the Great attempted to act
as a mediator between the United States and Britain by submitting a ceasefire
plan.
Key Terms
- Potemkin villages
-
In politics and economics, a term referring to any construction (literal or figurative) built solely to deceive others into thinking that a situation is better than it really is. The term comes from stories of a fake portable village, supposedly built only to impress Empress Catherine II during her journey to Crimea in 1787.
- the Confederation of Bar
-
An association of Polish nobles formed at the fortress of Bar in Podolia in 1768 to defend the internal and external independence of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth against Russian influence and against King Stanisław II Augustus with Polish reformers, who were attempting to limit the power of the Commonwealth’s wealthy magnates. Its creation led to a civil war and contributed to the First Partition of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth.
- League of Armed Neutrality
-
An alliance of European naval powers between 1780 and 1783, which was intended to protect neutral shipping against the Royal Navy’s wartime policy of unlimited search of neutral shipping for French contraband.
Empress Catherine the Great of Russia began the first League with her declaration of Russian armed neutrality in 1780, during the War of American Independence. She endorsed the right of neutral countries to trade by sea with nationals of belligerent countries without hindrance, except in weapons and military supplies. - Treaty of Jassy
-
A 1792 peace treaty signed at Jassy in Moldavia (presently in Romania) by the Russian and Ottoman Empires that ended the Russo-Turkish War of 1787–92 and confirmed Russia’s increasing dominance in the Black Sea. The treaty formally recognized the Russian Empire’s annexation of the Crimean Khanate via the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca of 1783 and transferred Yedisan (the territory between Dniester and Bug rivers) to Russia making the Dniester the Russo-Turkish frontier in Europe and leaving the Asiatic frontier (Kuban River) unchanged.
- Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca
-
A 1774 peace treaty signed in Küçük Kaynarca (today Kaynardzha, Bulgaria) between the Russian Empire and the Ottoman Empire. Following the recent Ottoman defeat at the Battle of Kozludzha, the document ended the Russo-Turkish War of 1768–74 and marked a defeat of the Ottomans in their struggle against Russia.
- the Targowica Confederation
-
A confederation established by Polish and Lithuanian magnates in 1792 in Saint Petersburg, with the backing of the Russian Empress Catherine the Great. The confederation opposed the progressive Polish Constitution of May 3rd, 1791, especially the provisions limiting the privileges of the nobility. Four days later after the proclamation of the confederation, two Russian armies invaded the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth without a formal declaration of war.
Catherine’s Foreign Policy
During her reign, Catherine extended the borders of the Russian Empire southward and westward to absorb New Russia (a region north of the Black Sea; presently part of Ukraine), Crimea, Northern Caucasus, Right-bank Ukraine, Belarus, Lithuania, and Courland at the expense, mainly, of two powers – the Ottoman Empire and the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. Under her rule, some 200,000 square miles (520,000 km2) were added to Russian territory. Catherine’s foreign minister, Nikita Panin (in office 1763–81), exercised considerable influence from the beginning of her reign but eventually Catherine had him replaced with Ivan Osterman (in office 1781–97).
Wars with the Ottoman Empire
While Peter the Great had succeeded only in gaining a toehold in the south on the edge of the Black Sea in the Azov campaigns, Catherine completed the conquest of the south. Catherine made Russia the dominant power in south-eastern Europe after her first Russo-Turkish War against the Ottoman Empire (1768–74), which saw some of the heaviest defeats in Ottoman history, including the 1770 Battles of Chesma and Kagul. The Russian victories allowed Catherine’s government to obtain access to the Black Sea and to incorporate present-day southern Ukraine, where the Russians founded several new cities. The Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca (1774) gave the Russians territories at Azov, Kerch, Yenikale, Kinburn, and the small strip of Black Sea coast between the rivers Dnieper and Bug. The treaty also removed restrictions on Russian naval or commercial traffic in the Azov Sea, granted to Russia the position of protector of Orthodox Christians in the Ottoman Empire, and made the Crimea a protectorate of Russia.
Catherine annexed the Crimea in 1783, nine years after the Crimean Khanate had gained nominal independence—which had been guaranteed by Russia—from the Ottoman Empire as a result of her first war against the Turks. The palace of the Crimean khans passed into the hands of the Russians. In 1786, Catherine conducted a triumphal procession in the Crimea, which helped provoke the next Russo–Turkish War. The Ottomans restarted hostilities in the second Russo-Turkish War (1787–92). This war, catastrophic for the Ottomans, ended with the Treaty of Jassy (1792), which legitimized the Russian claim to the Crimea and granted the Yedisan region to Russia.
Catherine’s triumph in Crimea is linked to a concept of Potemkin villages. In politics and economics, Potemkin villages refer to any construction (literal or figurative) built solely to deceive others into thinking that a situation is better than it really is. The term comes from stories of a fake portable village, built only to impress Empress Catherine II during her journey to Crimea in 1787.
The purpose of the trip was to impress Russia’s allies. To help accomplish this in a region devastated by war, Grigory Potemkin (Catherine’s lover and trusted advisor) set up “mobile villages” on the banks of the Dnieper River. As soon as the barge carrying the Empress and ambassadors arrived, Potemkin’s men, dressed as peasants, would populate the village. Once the barge left, the village was disassembled, then rebuilt downstream overnight. Some modern historians, however, claim accounts of this portable village are exaggerated and the story is most likely a myth.
Partitions of Poland
In 1764, Catherine placed Stanisław Poniatowski, her former lover, on the Polish throne. Although the idea of partitioning Poland came from Frederick the Great of Prussia, Catherine took a leading role in carrying it out (in three separate partitions of 1772, 1793, and 1795). In 1768, she formally became protector of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, which provoked an anti-Russian uprising in Poland, the Confederation of Bar (1768–72). After the uprising broke down due to internal politics in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, she established a system of government fully controlled by the Russian Empire through a Permanent Council, under the supervision of her ambassadors and envoys.
After the French Revolution of 1789, Catherine rejected many principles of the Enlightenment she had once viewed favorably. Afraid the progressive May 3rd Constitution of Poland (1791) might lead to a resurgence in the power of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth and the growing democratic movements inside the Commonwealth might become a threat to the European monarchies, Catherine decided to intervene in Poland. She provided support to a Polish anti-reform group known as the Targowica Confederation. After defeating Polish loyalist forces in the Polish–Russian War of 1792 and in the Kościuszko Uprising (1794), Russia completed the partitioning of Poland, dividing all of the remaining Commonwealth territory with Prussia and Austria (1795).
Partitions of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1772, 1793 and 1795
The Partitions of Poland were a series of three partitions of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth that took place towards the end of the 18th century and ended the existence of the state, resulting in the elimination of the sovereign Crown of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania for 123 years. The partitions were conducted by the Russian Empire, the Kingdom of Prussia and Habsburg Austria, which divided up the Commonwealth lands among themselves progressively in the process of territorial seizures.
Relations with Western Europe
Catherine agreed to a commercial treaty with Great Britain in 1766, but stopped short of a full military alliance. Although she could see the benefits of Britain’s friendship, she was wary of Britain’s increased power following its victory in the Seven Years War, which threatened the European balance of power.
Catherine longed for recognition as an enlightened sovereign. She pioneered for Russia the role that Britain later played through most of the 19th and early 20th centuries as an international mediator in disputes that could, or did, lead to war. She acted as mediator in the War of the Bavarian Succession (1778–79) between the German states of Prussia and Austria. In 1780, she established a League of Armed Neutrality, designed to defend neutral shipping from the British Royal Navy during the American Revolution. After establishing a league of neutral parties, Catherine the Great attempted to act as a mediator between the United States and Britain by submitting a ceasefire plan.
A 1791 British caricature of an attempted mediation between Catherine (on the right, supported by Austria and France) and Turkey, by James Gillray, Library of Congress.
Cartoon shows Catherine II, faint and shying away from William Pitt (British prime minister). Seated behind Pitt are the King of Prussia and a figure representing Holland as Sancho Panza. Selim III kneels to kiss the horse’s tail. a gaunt figure representing the old order in France and Leopold II (Holy Roman Emperor) render assistance to Catherine by preventing her from falling to the ground.
From 1788 to 1790, Russia fought a war against Sweden, a conflict instigated by Catherine’s cousin, King Gustav III of Sweden, who expected to simply overtake the Russian armies still engaged in war against the Ottoman Turks, and hoped to strike Saint Petersburg directly. But Russia’s Baltic Fleet checked the Royal Swedish navy in a tied battle of Hogland (1788), and the Swedish army failed to advance. Denmark declared war on Sweden in 1788 (the Theater War). After the decisive defeat of the Russian fleet at the Battle of Svensksund in 1790, the parties signed the Treaty of Värälä (1790), returning all conquered territories to their respective owners.
22.1.2: Louis XV
Although Louis XV’s upbringing turned him into a great patron of arts and sciences, his reign was marked by diplomatic, military, and political failures that removed France from the position of one of the most powerful and admired states in Europe.
Learning Objective
Detail Louis XV’s upbringing and his personality as king
Key Points
-
Louis XV (1710 – 1774) was a monarch of the House of Bourbon who ruled as King of France
from 1715 until his death. Until he reached maturity in 1723, his kingdom was ruled by
Philippe d’Orléans, Duke of Orléans as Regent of France, and Cardinal
Fleury was his chief minister from 1726 until
1743. - Although Louis XIV was not born as the Dauphin, the death of his great-grandfather Louis XV, his father, and his older brother made him the heir
to the throne of France at the age of five. - The young king received an excellent education that later resulted in his patronage of arts and sciences. At the age of 15, he was married to Marie Leszczyńska, daughter of Stanisław I, the
deposed king of Poland. In 1729 his wife gave
birth to a male child, an heir to the throne. The birth of a long-awaited heir, which ensured the
survival of the dynasty for the first time since 1712, was welcomed with
tremendous joy and Louis XV became extremely popular . -
In
1723, the king’s majority was declared by the Parlement of Paris, which ended
the regency. Louis XV appointed Louis Henri, Duke of Bourbon, in charge of state affairs. The Duke pursued policies
that resulted in serious economic and social problems in France, so the
king dismissed him in 1726 and selected Cardinal Fleury to
replace him. From
1726 until his death in 1743, Cardinal Fleury ruled France with the king’s
assent. It was the most peaceful and prosperous period of the reign of Louis
XV, despite some unrest. -
Historians agree that in terms of culture and art,
France reached a high point under Louis XV. However, he was blamed for the many
diplomatic, military, and economic reverses. His reign was marked by ministerial
instability and his reputation destroyed by military losses that largely
deprived France of its colonial possessions. - Louis’s XV’s reign sharply contrasts with Louis XIV’s reign. Historians emphasize Louis XIV’s military and
diplomatic successes.
Despite the fact that Louis XIV’s considerable foreign, military, and domestic expenditure
also impoverished and bankrupted France, in comparison to his great
predecessor, Louis XV is commonly seen as one of the least effective rulers of
the House of Bourbon.
Key Term
- Dauphin
-
The title given to the heir apparent to the throne of France from 1350 to 1791 and 1824 to 1830. The word is French for dolphin, as a reference to the depiction of the animal on their coat of arms.
Louis XV (1710 – 1774), known as Louis the Beloved, was a monarch of the House of Bourbon who ruled as King of France from 1715 until his death. He succeeded his great-grandfather Louis XIV at the age of five. Until he reached maturity in 1723, his kingdom was ruled by Philippe d’Orléans, Duke of Orléans as Regent of France (his maternal great-uncle and cousin twice removed patrilineally). Cardinal Fleury was his chief minister from 1726 until the Cardinal’s death in 1743, at which time the young king took sole control of the kingdom.
Early Life
Louis XV was born during the reign of his great-grandfather Louis XIV.
His grandfather and Louis XIV’s son, Louis Le Grand Dauphin (Dauphin being
the title given to the heir apparent to the throne of France), had three sons with his wife Marie Anne Victoire of Bavaria: Louis, Duke of Burgundy; Philippe, Duke of Anjou (who became King of Spain); and Charles, Duke of Berry. Louis XV was the third son of the Duke of Burgundy and his wife Marie Adélaïde of Savoy. At birth, Louis XV received a customary title for younger sons of the French royal family: Duke of Anjou. In April 1711, Louis
Le Grand Dauphin
suddenly died, making Louis XV’s father, the Duke of Burgundy, the new Dauphin. At that time, Burgundy had two living sons, Louis, Duke of Brittany, and his youngest son, the future Louis XV.
A year later, Marie Adélaïde contracted smallpox or measles and died. Her husband, said to be heartbroken by her death, died from the disease the same week. Within a week of his death, it was clear that the couple’s two children had also been infected. Fearing that the Dauphin (the older son) would die, the Court had both the Dauphin and the Duke of Anjou baptized. The Dauphin died the same day. The Duke of Anjou, and now after his brother’s death the Dauphin, survived the smallpox.
Louis XV as a child in coronation robes, portrait by Hyacinthe Rigaud, Metropolitan Museum of Art.
In September 1715, Louis XIV died of gangrene after a 72-year reign. In August 1714, he made a will stipulating that the nation was to be governed by a Regency Council made up of fourteen members until the new king reached the age of majority. Philippe, Duke of Orléans, nephew of Louis XIV, was named president of the council, but all decisions were to be made by majority vote.
By French royal tradition, princes were put in the care of men when they reached their seventh birthdays. Louis was taken from his governess, Madame de Ventadour, in 1717 and placed in the care of Francois de Villeroy, who had been designated as his governor in Louis XIV’s will. De Villeroy served under the formal authority of the Duke of Maine, who was charged with overseeing the king’s education. He was aided by André-Hercule de Fleury (later to become Cardinal Fleury), who served as the king’s tutor. Fleury gave the king an excellent education, including lessons from renowned professors (e.g., Guillaume Delisle, a cartographer known for his accurate maps of Europe and the newly explored Americas). Louis XV had an inquisitive and open-minded nature. An avid reader, he developed eclectic tastes. Later in life he advocated the creation of departments in physics (1769) and mechanics (1773) at the Collège de France.
In 1721, 11-year-old Louis XV was betrothed to his first cousin, the Infanta Maria Anna Victoria of Spain. The eleven-year-old king was not interested in the arrival of his future wife, the three-year-old Spanish Infanta.
The king was quite frail as a boy and several medical emergencies led to concern for his life. Many also assumed that the Spanish Infanta, eight years younger than the king, was too young to bear an heir in a timely way. To remedy this situation, the Duke of Bourbon set about choosing a European princess old enough to produce an heir.
Eventually, 21-year-old Marie (Maria) Leszczyńska, daughter of Stanisław I, the deposed king of Poland, was chosen to marry the king. The marriage was celebrated in 1725 when the king was 15, and the couple soon produced many children. In September 1729, in her third pregnancy, the queen finally gave birth to a male child, an heir to the throne, the Dauphin Louis (1729–1765). The birth of a long-awaited heir, which ensured the survival of the dynasty for the first time since 1712, was welcomed with tremendous joy and celebration in all spheres of French society and the young king became extremely popular.
Marie Leszczyńska in 1730, by Alexis Simon Belle.
Marie was on a list of 99 eligible European princesses to marry the young king, but she was far from the first choice on the list. She had been placed there initially because she was a Catholic princess and therefore fulfilled the minimum criteria, but was removed because she was poor when the list was reduced from 99 to 17. However, when the list of 17 was further reduced to four, the preferred choices presented numerous problems and Marie emerged as the best compromise. Queen Marie maintained the role and reputation of a simple and dignified Catholic queen. She functioned as an example of Catholic piety and was famed for her generosity to the poor and needy through her philanthropy, which made her very popular among the public her entire life as queen.
Towards the Personal Reign
In 1723, the king’s majority was declared by the Parlement of Paris, which ended the regency. Initially, Louis XV left the Duke of Orléans in charge of state affairs. The Duke of
Orléans was appointed first minister upon the death of Cardinal Dubois in August 1723, but died in December of the same year. Following the advice of Fleury, Louis XV appointed his cousin Louis Henri, Duke of Bourbon, to replace the late Duke of Orléans.
The ministry of the Duke of Bourbon pursued policies that resulted in serious economic and social problems in France. These included the persecution of Protestants; monetary manipulations; the creation of new taxes; and high grain prices. As a result of Bourbon’s rising unpopularity, the king dismissed him in 1726 and selected Cardinal Fleury, his former tutor, as a replacement.
From 1726 until his death in 1743, Cardinal Fleury ruled France with the king’s assent. It was the most peaceful and prosperous period of the reign of Louis XV, despite some unrest. After the financial and social disruptions suffered at the end of the reign of Louis XIV, the rule of Fleury is seen by historians as a period of recovery. The king’s role in the decisions of the Fleury government is unclear, but he did support Fleury against the intrigues of the court and the conspiracies of the courtiers.
Louis XV, The King
Starting in 1743 with the death of Fleury, the king ruled alone without a first minister. He had read many times the instructions of Louis XIV: “Listen to the people, seek advice from your Council, but decide alone.” His political correspondence reveals his deep knowledge of public affairs as well as the soundness of his judgement. Most government work was conducted in committees of ministers that met without the king. The king reviewed policy only in the High Council, which was composed of the king, the Dauphin, the chancellor, the finance minister, and the foreign minister. Created by Louis XIV, the council was in charge of state policy regarding religion, diplomacy, and war. There, he let various political factions oppose each other and vie for influence and power.
Historians agree that in terms of culture and art, France reached a high point under Louis XV. However, he was blamed for the many diplomatic, military, and economic reverses. His reign was marked by ministerial instability and his reputation destroyed by military losses that largely deprived France of its colonial possessions. Historians have also noted that the king left the country in the hands of his advisors while he engaged in his favorite hobbies, including hunting and womanizing. This sharply contrasts Louis XV’s reign from that of his great-grandfather and predecessor Louis XIV. Historians emphasize Louis XIV’s military and diplomatic successes, particularly placing a French prince on the Spanish throne, which ended the threat of an aggressive Spain that historically interfered in French domestic politics. They also note the effect of Louis’s wars in expanding France’s boundaries and creating more defensible frontiers that preserved France from invasion until the Revolution. Under Louis XIV, Europe came to admire France for its military and cultural successes, power, and sophistication. Europeans began to emulate French manners, values, goods, and deportment. French became the universal language of the European elite. Despite the fact that Louis XIV’s considerable foreign, military, and domestic expenditure also impoverished and bankrupted France, in comparison to his great predecessor, Louis XV is commonly seen as one of the least effective rulers of the House of Bourbon.
22.1.3: The Ancien Regime
The Ancien Régime was the social and political system fin the Kingdom of France from the 15th until the end of the 18th centuries. It was based on the rigid division of the society into three disproportionate and unequally treated classes.
Learning Objective
Describe the structure of the Ancien
Régime
and the societal rules at play
Key Points
- The Ancien Régime (Old Regime or Former Regime) was the social and political system established in the Kingdom of France from approximately the 15th century until the latter part of the 18th century under the late Valois and Bourbon dynasties.
-
The
estates of the realm were the broad orders of social hierarchy used in
Christian Europe from the medieval period to early modern Europe.
Different systems for dividing society members into estates evolved over time. The best-known system is the three-estate system of the
French Ancien Régime. -
The
First Estate comprised the entire clergy, traditionally divided into
“higher” (nobility) and “lower” (non-noble) clergy. In 1789, it numbered around 130,000
(about 0.5% of the population). -
The Second Estate was the French nobility and
(technically, although not in common use) royalty, other than the monarch
himself, who stood outside of the system of estates. It is traditionally
divided into “nobility of the sword” and “nobility of the robe,”
the magisterial class that administered royal justice and civil government. The
Second Estate constituted approximately 1.5% of France’s population -
The Third Estate comprised all of those who were
not members of the above and can be divided into two groups, urban and rural,
together making up 98% of France’s population. The urban included the
bourgeoisie and wage-laborers. The rural included peasants. - The French estates of the realm system was based on massive social injustices that were one of the key factors leading up to the French Revolution.
Key Terms
- the gabelle
-
A very unpopular tax on salt in France that was established during the mid-14th century and lasted, with brief lapses and revisions, until 1946. Because all French citizens needed salt (for use in cooking, for preserving food, for making cheese, and for raising livestock), the tax propagated extreme regional disparities in salt prices and stood as one of the most hated and grossly unequal forms of revenue generation in the country’s history.
- estates of the realm
-
The broad orders of social hierarchy used in Christendom (Christian Europe) from the medieval period to early modern Europe. Different systems for dividing society members into estates evolved over time. The best-known system is a three-estate system of the French Ancien Régime used until the French Revolution (1789–1799). This system was made up of clergy (the First Estate), nobility (the Second Estate), and commoners (the Third Estate).
- the taille
-
A direct land tax on the French peasantry and non-nobles in Ancien Régime France. The tax was imposed on each household based on how much land it held.
- Ancien Régime
-
The social and political system established in the Kingdom of France from approximately the 15th century until the latter part of the 18th century under the late Valois and Bourbon dynasties. The term is occasionally used to refer to the similar feudal social and political order of the time elsewhere in Europe.
Ancien Régime
The Ancien Régime (Old Regime or Former Regime) was the social and political system established in the Kingdom of France from approximately the 15th century until the latter part of the 18th century under the late Valois and Bourbon dynasties. The term is occasionally used to refer to the similar feudal social and political order of the time elsewhere in Europe. The administrative and social structures of the Ancien Régime were the result of years of state-building, legislative acts, internal conflicts, and civil wars, but they remained a patchwork of local privilege and historic differences until the French Revolution ended the system. Despite the notion of absolute monarchy and the efforts by the kings to create a centralized state, Ancien Régime France remained a country of systemic irregularities. Administrative (including taxation), legal, judicial, and ecclesiastic divisions and prerogatives frequently overlapped (for example, French bishoprics and dioceses rarely coincided with administrative divisions).
Estates of the Realm
The estates of the realm were the broad orders of social hierarchy used in Christendom (Christian Europe) from the medieval period to early modern Europe. Different systems for dividing society members into estates evolved over time. The best-known system is the three-estate system of the French Ancien Régime used until the French Revolution (1789–1799). This system was made up of clergy (the First Estate), nobility (the Second Estate), and commoners (the Third Estate).
The First Estate comprised the entire clergy, traditionally divided into “higher” and “lower” clergy. Although there was no formal demarcation between the two categories, the upper clergy were effectively clerical nobility from the families of the Second Estate. In the time of Louis XVI, every bishop in France was a nobleman, a situation that had not existed before the 18th century. At the other extreme, the “lower clergy” (about equally divided between parish priests and monks and nuns) constituted about 90 percent of the First Estate, which in 1789 numbered around 130,000 (about 0.5% of the population).
The Second Estate was the French nobility and (technically, although not in common use) royalty, other than the monarch himself, who stood outside of the system of estates. It is traditionally divided into “nobility of the sword” and “nobility of the robe,” the magisterial class that administered royal justice and civil government. The Second Estate constituted approximately 1.5% of France’s population and were exempt from the corvée royale (forced labor on the roads) and from most other forms of taxation such as the gabelle (salt tax) and most important, the taille (the oldest form of direct taxation). This exemption from paying taxes led to their reluctance to reform.
The Third Estate comprised all who were not members of the above and can be divided into two groups, urban and rural, together making up 98% of France’s population. The urban included the bourgeoisie and wage-laborers. The rural included peasants who owned their own land (and could be prosperous) and peasants who worked on nobles’ or wealthier peasants’ land. The peasants paid disproportionately high taxes compared to the other Estates and simultaneously had very limited rights. In addition, the First and Second Estates relied on the labor of the Third, which made the latter’s unequal status all the more unjust.
The Third Estate men and women shared the hard life of physical labor and food shortages. Most were born within this group and died as part of it. It was extremely rare for individuals of this status to advance to another estate. Those who crossed the class lines did so as a result of either being recognized for their extraordinary bravery in a battle or entering religious life. Some commoners were able to marry into the Second Estate, although that was very rare.
Caricature on the Third Estate carrying the First and Second Estate on its back, Bibliothèque Nationale de France.
France under the Ancien Régime (before the French Revolution) divided society into three estates: the First Estate (clergy); the Second Estate (nobility); and the Third Estate (commoners). The king was considered part of no estate.
Social Injustice
The population of France in the decade prior to the French Revolution was about 26 million, of whom 21 million lived in agriculture. Few of these owned enough land to support a family and most were forced to take on extra work as poorly paid laborers on larger farms. Despite regional differences and French peasants’ generally better economic status than that of their Eastern European counterparts, hunger was a daily problem and the condition of most French peasants was poor.
The fundamental issue of poverty was aggravated by social inequality as all peasants were liable to pay taxes from which the nobility could claim immunity, and feudal dues payable to a local lord. Similarly, the tithes (a form of obligatory tax, at the time often paid in kind), which the peasants were obliged to pay to their local churches, were a cause of grievance as the majority of parish priests were poor and the contribution was being paid to an aristocratic and usually absentee abbot. The clergy numbered about 100,000 and yet owned 10% of the land. The Catholic Church maintained a rigid hierarchy as abbots and bishops were all members of the nobility and canons were all members of wealthy bourgeois families. As an institution, it was both rich and powerful. It paid no taxes and merely contributed a grant to the state every five years, the amount of which was self-determined. The upper echelons of the clergy also had considerable influence over government policy.
Successive French kings and their ministers tried to suppress the power of the nobles but did so with very limited success.
22.1.4: The Rise of the Nobility
Despite attempts to weaken the position of the nobility, Louis XV met with avid resistance and largely failed to reform the system that privileged the aristocracy.
Learning Objective
Explain how the nobility continued to gain power throughout the reign of Louis XV.
Key Points
-
Louis
XIV believed in the divine right of kings, which assert that a monarch is
above everyone except God. He continued his predecessors’ work
of creating a centralized state governed from Paris, sought to eliminate
remnants of feudalism in France, and subjugated and weakened the aristocracy. - Louis XIV eventually failed to reform the unjust tax system that greatly favored the nobility, but instituted reforms in military administration and compelled many members of the nobility, especially the noble
elite, to inhabit Versailles. This created an effective
system of control as the king manipulated the nobility with an elaborate system
of pensions and privileges, minimizing their influence and increasing his own
power. -
Although Louis XV attempted to continue his
predecessor’s efforts to weaken the aristocracy, he failed to establish himself
as an absolute monarch of Louis XIV’s stature. He supported the policy of fiscal
justice, which created a tax on the twentieth of all revenues that
affected the privileged classes as well as commoners. This breach in the
privileged status of the aristocracy and the clergy was another attempt to impose taxes on the privileged, but the new tax
was received with violent protest from the upper classes. -
Pressed and eventually won over by his entourage
at court, the king gave in and exempted the clergy from the twentieth in 1751.
Eventually, the twentieth became a mere increase in the already existing taille,
the most important direct tax of the monarchy from which privileged classes
were exempted. -
During the reign of Louis XV, the parlements
repeatedly challenged the crown for control over policy, especially regarding
taxes and religion, which strengthened the position of the nobility and weakened the authority of the king. -
Chancellor René Nicolas de Maupeou sought to
reassert royal power by suppressing the parlements in 1770. A furious battle
resulted and after King Louis XV died, the parlements were restored.
Key Terms
- Ancien Régime
-
The social and political system established in the Kingdom of France from
approximately the 15th century until the latter part of the 18th century under
the late Valois and Bourbon dynasties. The term is occasionally used to refer
to the similar feudal social and political order of the time elsewhere in
Europe. - lit de justice
-
A particular formal session of the Parlement of Paris, under the presidency of the king, for the compulsory registration of the royal edicts.
- parlements
-
Provincial appellate courts in the France of the Ancien Régime, i.e. before the French Revolution. They were not legislative bodies but rather the court of final appeal of the judicial system. They typically wielded much power over a wide range of subject matter, particularly taxation. Laws and edicts issued by the Crown were not official in their respective jurisdictions until assent was given by publishing them. The members were aristocrats who had bought or inherited their offices and were independent of the King.
- letters patent
-
A type of legal instrument in the form of a published written order issued by a monarch, president, or other head of state, generally granting an office, right, monopoly, title, or status to a person or corporation.
- taille
-
A direct land tax on the
French peasantry and non-nobles in Ancien Régime France.
The tax was imposed on each household based on how much land it held.
Background: The Nobility under Louis XIV
Louis XIV believed in the divine right of kings, which assert that a monarch is above everyone except God and therefore not answerable to the will of his people, the aristocracy, or the Church. Louis continued his predecessors’ work of creating a centralized state governed from Paris, sought to eliminate remnants of feudalism in France, and subjugated and weakened the aristocracy.
The reign of Louis XIV marked the rise of France of as a military, diplomatic, and cultural power in Europe. However, the ongoing wars, the panoply of Versailles, and the growing civil administration required a great deal of money, and finance was always the weak spot in the French monarchy. Tax-collecting methods were costly and inefficient and the state always received far less than what the taxpayers paid. But the main weakness arose from an old bargain between the French crown and nobility: the king reigned with limited or no opposition from the nobles if only he refrained from taxing them. Only the commoners paid direct taxes and that meant the peasants because many bourgeois obtained exemptions. The system was outrageously unjust in throwing a heavy tax burden on the poor and helpless.
Later after 1700, the French ministers supported by Madame De Maintenon (Louis XIV’s second wife) were able to convince the King to change his fiscal policy. Louis was willing enough to tax the nobles but unwilling to fall under their control. Only towards the close of his reign under extreme stress of war was he able, for the first time in French history, to impose direct taxes on the aristocracy. This was a step toward equality before the law and toward sound public finance, but so many concessions and exemptions were won by nobles and bourgeois that the reform lost much of its value.
Louis XIV also instituted reforms in military administration through Michel le Tellier and his son François-Michel le Tellier, Marquis de Louvois. They helped to curb the independent spirit of the nobility, imposing order on them at court and in the army. Gone were the days when generals protracted war at the frontiers while bickering over precedence and ignoring orders from the capital and the larger politico-diplomatic picture. The old military aristocracy (“the nobility of the sword”) ceased to have a monopoly over senior military positions and rank.
Over time, Louis XIV also compelled many members of the nobility, especially the noble elite, to inhabit Versailles.
Provincial nobles who refused to join the Versailles system were locked out of important positions in the military or state offices. Lacking royal subsides and thus unable to keep up a noble lifestyle, these rural nobles often went into debt.
This created an effective system of control as the king manipulated the nobility with an elaborate system of pensions and privileges, minimizing their influence and increasing his own power.
French aristocrats, c. 1774, by Antoine-Jean Duclos.
In the political system of pre-Revolutionary France, the nobility made up the Second Estate (with the Catholic clergy comprising the First Estate and the bourgeoisie and peasants in the Third Estate). Although membership in the noble class was mainly inherited, it was not a closed order. New individuals were appointed to the nobility by the monarchy, or could purchase rights and titles or join by marriage. Sources differ about the actual number of nobles in France, but proportionally it was among the smallest noble classes in Europe.
Louis XV: Attempts to Reform
Although Louis XV attempted to continue his predecessor’s efforts to weaken the aristocracy, he failed to establish himself as an absolute monarch of Louis XIV’s stature. Following the advice of his mistress, Marquise de Pompadour, Louis XV supported the policy of fiscal justice designed by Machault d’Arnouville. In order to finance the budget deficit, which amounted to 100 million livres in 1745, Machault d’Arnouville created a tax on the twentieth of all revenues that affected the privileged classes as well as commoners. This breach in the privileged status of the aristocracy and the clergy, normally exempt from taxes, was another attempt to impose taxes on the privileged. However, the new tax was received with violent protest from the privileged classes in the estates of the few provinces that retained the right to decide taxation (most provinces had long lost their provincial estates and the right to decide taxation). The new tax was also opposed by the clergy and by the parlements (provincial appellate court staffed by aristocrats). Members of these courts bought their positions from the king, together with the right to transfer their positions hereditarily through payment of an annual fee. Membership in such courts and appointment to other public positions often led to elevation to nobility (the so-called nobles of the robe, as distinguished from the nobility of ancestral military origin, the nobles of the sword.) While these two categories of nobles were often at odds, both sought to retain their privileges.
The Role of Parlements
Pressed and eventually won over by his entourage at court, the king gave in and exempted the clergy from the twentieth in 1751. Eventually, the twentieth became a mere increase in the already existing taille, the most important direct tax of the monarchy from which privileged classes were exempted. It was another defeat in the taxation war waged against the privileged classes. As a result of these attempts at reform, the Parlement of Paris, using the quarrel between the clergy and the Jansenists as a pretext, addressed remonstrances to the king in April 1753. In these remonstrances, the Parlement, made up of privileged aristocrats and ennobled commoners, proclaimed itself the “natural defender of the fundamental laws of the kingdom” against the arbitrariness of the monarchy.
During the reign of Louis XV, the parlements repeatedly challenged the crown for control over policy, especially regarding taxes and religion. The parlements had the duty to record all royal edicts and laws. Some, especially the Parlement of Paris, gradually acquired the habit of refusing to register legislation with which they disagreed until the king held a lit de justice or sent letters patent to force them to act. Furthermore, the parlements could pass certain regulations, which were laws that applied within their jurisdiction. In the years immediately before the start of the French Revolution in 1789, their extreme concern to preserve Ancien Régime institutions of noble privilege prevented France from carrying out many simple reforms, especially in the area of taxation, even when those reforms had the support of the king. Chancellor René Nicolas de Maupeou sought to reassert royal power by suppressing the parlements in 1770. A furious battle resulted and after King Louis XV died, the parlements were restored.
22.1.5: France’s Fiscal Woes
Under Louis XIV, France witnessed successful reforms and growth as a global power, but financial strain imposed by multiple wars left the state bankrupt. Under Louis XV, lost wars and limited reforms reversed the gains of the initial years of economic recovery.
Learning Objective
Examine the excessive spending of Louis XIV and Louis XV and the consequences of their actions for the French government.
Key Points
-
Louis
XIV began his personal reign with effective fiscal reforms. He chose
Jean-Baptiste Colbert as Controller-General of Finances in 1665, and Colbert
reduced the national debt through more efficient taxation. However,
the gains were insufficient to support Louis’s policies. During his
reign, France fought three major wars and two
lesser conflicts. In
order to weaken the power of the nobility, Louis attached nobles to his court at
Versailles. These strategies to hold centralized power, although effective,
were very costly. - To
support the reorganized and enlarged army, the panoply of Versailles, and the
growing civil administration, the king needed more money.
Only towards the close of his reign under extreme stress of war was he
able to impose direct taxes on the
aristocratic population. However, so many concessions and exemptions
were won by nobles and bourgeois that the reform lost much of its value. -
Louis encouraged industry, fostered
trade and commerce, and sponsored the founding of an overseas empire, but the powerful position of Louis XIV’s France came at a financial cost that could not be balanced by his reforms. The considerable
foreign, military, and domestic expenditure impoverished and bankrupted France. -
Cardinal
Fleury was Louis XV’s chief minister and his rule was the most peaceful and prosperous period of the reign of Louis XV. After
the financial and social disruptions suffered at the end of the reign of Louis
XIV, the rule of Fleury is seen by historians as a period of
“recovery.” Following Fleury’s death, Louis failed to continue his policies. - Louis XV attempted fiscal reforms that included the taxation of the nobility but his foreign policy failures weakened France and further strained its finances. As a result of lost wars,
Louis was forced to cede many territories, including lucrative overseas colonies. -
Lost
wars and subsequent financial strains, ineffective reforms, and
religious feuds, combined with XV’s reputation as a man interested more
in women and hunting than in ruling France, weakened the monarchy that was left
in a state of economic crisis.
Key Terms
- parlements
-
Provincial appellate courts
in the France of the Ancien Régime, i.e. before the French
Revolution. They were not legislative bodies but rather the court of final
appeal of the judicial system. They typically wielded much power over a wide
range of subject matter, particularly taxation. Laws and edicts issued by the Crown
were not official in their respective jurisdictions until assent was given by publishing them. The members were aristocrats who had bought or
inherited their offices and were independent of the King. - Seven Years’ War
-
A world war fought between 1754 and 1763, the main conflict occurring in the seven-year period from 1756 to 1763. It involved every European great power of the time except the Ottoman Empire, spanning five continents and affecting Europe, the Americas, West Africa, India, and the Philippines. The conflict split Europe into two coalitions, led by Great Britain on one side and France on the other. For the first time, aiming to curtail Britain and Prussia’s ever-growing might, France formed a grand coalition of its own, which ended with failure as Britain rose as the world’s predominant force, altering the European balance of power.
- Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle of 1748
-
A treaty, sometimes called the Treaty of Aachen, that ended the War of the Austrian Succession following a congress assembled in 1748 at the Free Imperial City of Aachen and signed by Great Britain, France, and the Dutch Republic.
- taille
-
A direct land tax on the
French peasantry and non-nobles in Ancien Régime France. The tax
was imposed on each household based on how much land it held.
Louis XIV: Finance Reform vs. High Spending
Louis XIV, known as the “Sun King,” reigned over France from 1643 until 1715. He began his personal reign with effective fiscal reforms. In 1661, the treasury verged on bankruptcy. To rectify the situation, Louis chose Jean-Baptiste Colbert as Controller-General of Finances in 1665. Colbert reduced the national debt through more efficient taxation. Although his tax reform proved difficult, excellent results were achieved and the deficit of 1661 turned into a surplus in 1666. In 1667, the net receipts had risen to 20 million pounds sterling while expenditure had fallen to 11 million, leaving a surplus of 9 million pounds.
However, the gains were insufficient to support Louis’s policies. During his reign, France fought three major wars: the Franco-Dutch War, the War of the League of Augsburg, and the War of the Spanish Succession. There were also two lesser conflicts: the War of Devolution and the War of the Reunions. Warfare defined the foreign policies of Louis XIV, seen by the king as the ideal way to enhance his glory. Even in peacetime, he concentrated on preparing for the next war, including reforms that enlarged and modernized the French military.
Furthermore, in order to centralize his power, Louis recognized that he had to weaken the power of the nobility, which he achieved partly by attaching nobles to his court at Versailles and thus virtually controlling their daily lives. Apartments were built to house those willing to pay court to the king, but the pensions and privileges necessary to live in a style appropriate to their rank were only possible by waiting constantly on Louis. This strategy, although effective, turned out to be very costly, particularly given the king’s extravagant choices and lavish lifestyle.
To support the reorganized and enlarged army, the panoply of Versailles, and the growing civil administration, the king needed more money. Methods of collecting taxes were costly and inefficient. Direct taxes passed through the hands of many intermediate officials; indirect taxes were collected by private individuals called tax farmers who made a substantial profit. The state always received far less than what the taxpayers actually paid. Yet the main weakness arose from an old bargain between the French crown and nobility: the king could rule without much opposition from the nobility if only he refrained from taxing them. Only the lowest classes paid direct taxes and that meant mostly peasants since many bourgeois obtained exemptions. Later after 1700, the French ministers who were supported by Madame De Maintenon (the king’s second wife) were able to convince the King to change his fiscal policy. Louis was willing to tax the nobles but unwilling to fall under their control, and only towards the close of his reign under extreme stress of war was he able, for the first time in French history, to impose direct taxes on the aristocratic elements of the population. This was a step toward equality before the law and sound public finance, but so many concessions and exemptions were won by nobles and bourgeois that the reform lost much of its value.
In addition to successful finance reforms, Louis encouraged industry, fostered trade and commerce, and sponsored the founding of an overseas empire. His political and military victories as well as numerous cultural achievements helped raise France to a preeminent position in Europe. Historians note, however, that the powerful position of Louis XIV’s France came at a financial cost that could not be balanced by his reforms. The considerable foreign, military, and domestic expenditure impoverished and bankrupted France.
Louis XIV in 1690, by Jean Nocret.
Voltaire’s history, The Age of Louis XIV, named Louis’s reign as not only one of the four great ages in which reason and culture flourished, but the greatest ever. The success, however, came at the financial cost that bankrupted France.
Louis XV: The Disintegration of the Empire
Louis XV succeeded his great-grandfather Louis XIV at the age of five. Until he reached maturity in 1723, his kingdom was ruled by Philippe d’Orléans, Duke of Orléans as Regent of France. Cardinal Fleury was his chief minister from 1726 until the Cardinal’s death in 1743, at which time the young king took sole control of the kingdom. Fleury’s rule was he most peaceful and prosperous period of the reign of Louis XV. After the financial and social disruptions suffered at the end of the reign of Louis XIV, the rule of Fleury is seen by historians as a period of “recovery.” Fleury stabilized the French currency and balanced the budget in 1738. Economic expansion was a major goal of the government. Communications were improved with the completion of the Saint-Quentin canal in 1738 and the systematic building of a national road network. By the middle of the 18th century, France had the most modern and extensive road network in the world. Modern highways, which stretched from Paris to the most distant borders of France, helped to advance trade. In foreign relations, Fleury sought peace by trying to maintain alliance with England and pursuing reconciliation with Spain.
After Fleury’s death, Louis failed to continue his policies. Following the advice of his mistress, Marquise
de Pompadour, he supported the policy of fiscal justice designed by
Machault d’Arnouville. In order to finance the budget deficit, Machault d’Arnouville
created a tax on the twentieth of all revenues that affected the privileged
classes as well as commoners. This breach in the privileged status of the
aristocracy and the clergy, normally exempt from taxes, was another attempt to
impose taxes on the privileged, but the new tax was received with violent
protest from the privileged classes. It was opposed by the clergy and by the parlements (provincial
appellate court staffed by aristocrats).
Pressed and eventually won over by his entourage
at court, the king gave in and exempted the clergy from the twentieth in 1751.
Eventually, the twentieth became a mere increase in the already existing taille,
the most important direct tax of the monarchy from which privileged classes
were exempted. It was another defeat in the taxation war waged against the
privileged classes.
Louis’s greatest failure was perhaps his foreign policy.
As a result of lost wars, Louis was forced to return the Austrian Netherlands (modern-day Belgium) territory won at the Battle of Fontenoy of 1745 but returned to Austria by the terms of the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle of 1748. He also ceded New France in North America to Spain and Great Britain at the conclusion of the Seven Years’ War in 1763. Although he incorporated the territories of Lorraine and Corsica into the kingdom of France, the loss of colonies in North America, the Caribbean, and West Africa as well as the weakening of influence in India demonstrated that France was no longer a colonial European power with access to lucrative overseas opportunities (although France did maintain control over Guadeloupe and Martinique, sources of profitable sugar).
Most historians argue that Louis XV’s decisions damaged the power of France, weakened the treasury, discredited the absolute monarchy, and made it more vulnerable to distrust and destruction. Lost wars and financial strains that they imposed, ineffective reforms, and religious feuds, combined with the king’s reputation as a man interested more in women and hunting than in ruling France, weakened the monarchy that was left in a state of economic crisis.
Louis XV, by Louis Michel van Loo, (Château de Versailles), Library and Archives Canada.
Under Louis XV, financial strain imposed by wars, particularly by the disastrous for France Seven Years’ War and by the excesses of the royal court, contributed to fiscal problems and the national unrest that in the end culminated in the French Revolution of 1789.
22.1.6: Taxes and the Three Estates
The taxation system under the Ancien Régime largely excluded the nobles and the clergy from taxation while the commoners, particularly the peasantry, paid disproportionately high direct taxes.
Learning Objective
Distinguish between the three Estates and their burdens of taxation.
Key Points
-
France under the Ancien Régime was divided society into three estates: the First Estate
(clergy); the Second Estate (nobility); and the Third Estate (commoners). One critical difference between the
estates of the realm was the burden of taxation. The nobles and the clergy were
largely excluded from taxation while the commoners paid disproportionately
high direct taxes. -
The desire for more efficient tax collection was
one of the major causes for French administrative and royal centralization. The
taille became a
major source of royal income. Exempted from the taille were clergy and nobles (with few exceptions). Different kinds of provinces had different taxation obligations and some among the nobility and the clergy paid modest taxes, but the majority of taxes was always paid by the poorest. Moreover, the church separately taxed the commoners and the nobles. -
As the French state continuously struggled with
the budget deficit, some attempts to reform the skewed system took place under
both Louis XIV and Louis XV. The greatest challenge to introduce any
changes was an old bargain between the French crown and the nobility: the king
could rule without much opposition from the nobility if only he refrained from
taxing them. - New taxes introduced under Louis XIV
were a step toward equality before the law and
sound public finance, but so many concessions and exemptions were won by
nobles and bourgeois that the reform lost much of its value. - Although Louis XV also attempted to impose new taxes on the First and Second Estates, with
all the exemptions and reductions won by the privileged classes the
burden of the new tax once again fell on the poorest citizens. -
Historians
consider the unjust taxation system, continued under Louis XVI, to be one of
the causes of the French Revolution.
Key Terms
- the estates of the realm
-
The broad orders of social
hierarchy used in Christendom (Christian Europe) from the medieval period to
early modern Europe. Different systems for dividing society members into
estates evolved over time. The best known system is a
three-estate system of the French Ancien Régime used until the French
Revolution (1789–1799). This system was made up of clergy (the First Estate),
nobility (the Second Estate), and commoners (the Third Estate). - parlements
-
Provincial appellate courts in
the France of the Ancien Régime, i.e. before the French Revolution.
They were not legislative bodies but rather the court of final appeal of the
judicial system. They typically wielded much power over a wide range of subject
matter, particularly taxation. Laws and edicts issued by the Crown were not
official in their respective jurisdictions until assent was given by
publishing them. The members were aristocrats who had bought or inherited their
offices and were independent of the King. - Ancien Régime
-
The
social and political system established in the Kingdom of France from
approximately the 15th century until the latter part of the 18th century under
the late Valois and Bourbon dynasties. The term is occasionally used to refer
to the similar feudal social and political order of the time elsewhere in
Europe. - taille
-
A direct land tax on the
French peasantry and non-nobles in Ancien Régime France.
The tax was imposed on each household and was based on how much land it held. - tithe
-
A one-tenth part of something, paid as a contribution to a religious organization or compulsory tax to government. Today, the fee is voluntary and paid in cash, checks, or stocks, whereas historically it was required and paid in kind, such as with agricultural products.
Estates of the Realm and Taxation
France under the Ancien Régime (before the French Revolution) divided society into three estates: the First Estate (clergy); the Second Estate (nobility); and the Third Estate (commoners). The king was not considered part of any estate. One critical difference between the estates of the realm was the burden of taxation. The nobles and the clergy were largely excluded from taxation
(with the exception of a modest quit-rent, an ad valorem tax on land) while the commoners paid disproportionately high direct taxes. In practice, this meant mostly the peasants because many bourgeois obtained exemptions. The system was outrageously unjust in throwing a heavy tax burden on the poor and powerless.
Taxation Structure
The desire for more efficient tax collection was one of the major causes for French administrative and royal centralization. The taille, a direct land tax on the peasantry and non-nobles, became a major source of royal income. Exempted from the taille were clergy and nobles (except for non-noble lands they held in “pays d’état;” see below), officers of the crown, military personnel, magistrates, university professors and students, and certain cities (“villes franches”) such as Paris. Peasants and nobles alike were required to pay one-tenth of their income or produce to the church (the tithe).
Although exempted from the taille, the church was required to pay the crown a tax called the “free gift,” which it collected from its office holders at roughly 1/20 the price of the office.
There were three kinds of provinces: the “pays d’élection,” the “pays d’état,” and the “pays d’imposition.” In the “pays d’élection” (the longest held possessions of the French crown) the assessment and collection of taxes were originally trusted to elected officials, but later these positions were bought. The tax was generally “personal,” which meant it was attached to non-noble individuals. In the “pays d’état” (provinces with provincial estates), tax assessment was established by local councils and the tax was generally “real,” which meant that it was attached to non-noble lands (nobles possessing such lands were required to pay taxes on them). “Pays d’imposition” were recently conquered lands that had their own local historical institutions, although taxation was overseen by the royal administrator.
In the decades leading to the French Revolution, peasants paid a land tax to the state (the taille) and a 5% property tax (the vingtième; see below). All paid a tax on the number of people in the family (capitation), depending on the status of the taxpayer (from poor to prince). Further royal and seigneurial obligations might be paid in several ways: in labor, in kind, or rarely, in coin. Peasants were also obligated to their landlords for rent in cash, a payment related to their amount of annual production, and taxes on the use of the nobles’ mills, wine-presses, and bakeries.
Caricature showing the Third Estate carrying the First and Second Estates on its back, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, c. 1788.
The tax system in pre-revolutionary France largely exempted the nobles and the clergy from taxes. The tax burden therefore devolved to the peasants, wage-earners, and the professional and business classes, also known as the Third Estate. Further, people from less-privileged walks of life were blocked from acquiring even petty positions of power in the regime, which caused further resentment.
Attempts at Reform
As the French state continuously struggled with the budget deficit, attempts to reform the skewed system took place under both Louis XIV and Louis XV. The greatest challenge to systemic change was an old bargain between the French crown and the nobility: the king could rule without much opposition from the nobility if only
he refrained from taxing them. Consequently, attempts to impose taxes on the privileged — both the nobility and the clergy —
were a great source of tension between the monarchy and the First and the Second Estates.
Already in
1648, when Louis XIV was still a minor and his mother Queen Anne acted as a regent and Cardinal Mazarin as her chief minister, the two attempted to tax members of the Parlement de Paris. The members not only refused to comply, but also ordered all of Mazarin’s earlier financial edicts burned. The later wars of Louis XIV, although successful politically and militarily, exhausted the state’s budget, which eventually led the King to accept reform proposals. Only towards the end of Louis’s reign did the French ministers supported by Madame De Maintenon (the King’s second wife) convince the King to change his fiscal policy.
Louis was willing to tax the nobles but unwilling to fall under their control, and only under extreme stress of war was he
able, for the first time in French history, to impose direct taxes on the
aristocracy. Several additional tax systems were created, including the “capitation” (begun in 1695), which touched every person including nobles and the clergy (although exemption could be bought for a large one-time sum) and the “dixième” (1710–17, restarted in 1733), enacted to support the military, which was a true tax on income and property value. This was a step toward equality before
the law and sound public finance, but so many concessions and exemptions
were won by nobles and bourgeois that the reform lost much of its value.
Louis XV continued the tax reform initiated by his predecessor.
Following
the advice of his mistress, Marquise de Pompadour, he supported the policy of
fiscal justice designed by Machault d’Arnouville. In order to finance the
budget deficit, in 1749 Machault d’Arnouville created a tax on the twentieth of all
revenues that affected the privileged classes as well as commoners.
Known as the “vingtième” (or “one-twentieth”), it was enacted to reduce the royal deficit. This tax continued throughout the Ancien Régime. It was based solely on revenues, requiring 5% of net earnings from land, property, commerce, industry, and official offices. It was meant to touch all citizens regardless of status. However, the clergy, the regions with “pays d’état,” and the parlements protested. Consequently, the clergy won exemption, the “pays d’état” won reduced rates, and the parlements halted new income statements, effectively making the “vingtième” a far less efficient tax than it was designed to be. The financial needs of the Seven Years’ War led to a second (1756–1780) and then a third (1760–1763) “vingtième” being created. With all the exemptions and reductions won by the privileged classes, however, the burden of the new tax once again fell on the poorest.
Historians consider the unjust taxation system continued under Louis XVI to be one of the causes of the French Revolution.
22.1.7: Territorial Losses
Louis XV’s controversial decision following the War of the Austrian Succession and his loss in the Seven Years’ War weakened the international position of France and lost most of its colonial holdings.
Learning Objective
Describe the land lost under Louis XV
Key Points
-
Louis XV inherited a country with a
reputation of a military, political, colonial, and cultural power. By the end
of his reign, however, the international opinion of France changed
dramatically, largely because of Louis’s controversial foreign policy. -
Louis XV entered the War of the Austrian Succession in 1741 on the side of Prussia in hopes of pursuing its own anti-Austrian
foreign policy goals. In Germany, the French
were forced back to the Rhine and their Bavarian allies were decisively
defeated. In the Netherlands,
France experienced much military success. By 1748, France
occupied the entire Austrian Netherlands (modern-day Belgium) as well as some
parts of the northern Netherlands, then the wealthiest area of Europe. -
Despite his victory, Louis XV, who wanted to
appear as an arbiter and not as a conqueror, agreed to restore all his
conquests back to the defeated enemies with chivalry at the Treaty of
Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748.
The attitude was internationally hailed, but at home the king became unpopular. -
In what is known as diplomatic revolution, the king overruled his ministers and
signed the Treaty of Versailles with Austria in 1756. The new Franco-Austrian alliance
would last intermittently for the next thirty-five years. In 1756, Frederick
the Great invaded Saxony without a declaration of war, initiating the Seven
Years’ War, and Britain declared war on France. -
The French military successes of the War of the
Austrian Succession were not repeated in the Seven Years’ War, except for a few
temporary victories. - The Treaty of Paris forced France to cede Canada, Dominica,
Grenada, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, and Tobago to Britain. France also
ceded the eastern half of French Louisiana to Britain. In addition, while
France regained its trading posts in India, it recognized British clients as
the rulers of key Indian native states and pledged not to send troops to
Bengal.
Key Terms
- French and Indian War
-
A 1754–1763 conflict that comprised the North American theater of the worldwide Seven Years’ War of 1756-1763. The war pitted the colonies of British America against those of New France, with both sides supported by military units from their parent countries of Great Britain and France as well as by American Indian allies.
- Treaty of Paris of 1763
-
A 1763 treaty signed by the kingdoms of Great Britain, France, and Spain with Portugal in agreement, after Great Britain’s victory over France and Spain during the Seven Years’ War. The signing of the treaty formally ended the Seven Years’ War and marked the beginning of an era of British dominance outside Europe. Great Britain and France each returned much of the territory they had captured during the war, but Great Britain gained much of France’s possession in North America. Additionally, Great Britain agreed to protect Roman Catholicism in the New World. The treaty did not involve Prussia and Austria as they signed a separate agreement, the Treaty of Hubertusburg.
- War of the Austrian Succession
-
A war (1740–1748) that involved most of the powers of Europe over the question of Maria Theresa’s succession to the realms of the House of Habsburg. The war included King George’s War in North America, the War of Jenkins’ Ear, the First Carnatic War in India, the Jacobite rising of 1745 in Scotland, and the First and Second Silesian Wars. It began under the pretext that Maria Theresa was ineligible to succeed to the Habsburg thrones of her father, Charles VI.
- Seven Years’ War
-
A world war fought between 1754 and 1763, the main conflict occurring in the seven-year period from 1756 to 1763. It involved every European great power of the time except the Ottoman Empire, spanning five continents and affecting Europe, the Americas, West Africa, India, and the Philippines. The conflict split Europe into two coalitions, led by Great Britain on one side and France on the other.
- Treaty of Aix-la-Chape
-
A 1748 treaty, sometimes called the Treaty of Aachen, that ended the War of the Austrian Succession following a congress assembled at the Free Imperial City of Aachen. The treaty was signed by Great Britain, France, and the Dutch Republic. Two implementation treaties were signed at Nice in 1748 and 1749 by Austria, Spain, Sardinia, Modena, and Genoa.
- diplomatic revolution
-
The reversal of longstanding alliances in Europe between the War of the Austrian Succession and the Seven Years’ War. Austria went from an ally of Britain to an ally of France. Prussia became an ally of Britain. It was part of efforts to preserve or upset the European balance of power.
Background
The reign of Louis XIV left the French state financially troubled but politically triumphant. Louis’s political and military victories as well as numerous cultural achievements helped raise France to a preeminent position in Europe. Europe came to admire France for its military and cultural successes, power, and sophistication. Europeans generally began to emulate French manners, values, and goods, and French became the universal language of the European elite. Louis XIV’s successor and great-grandson, Louis XV, inherited a country with a reputation of a military, political, colonial, and cultural power. By the end of his reign, however, the international opinion of France changed dramatically, largely because of Louis’s controversial foreign policy.
The War of the Austrian Succession
In 1740, the death of Emperor Charles VI and his succession by his daughter Maria Theresa started the War of the Austrian Succession. Sensing the vulnerability of Maria Theresa’s position, King Frederick the Great of Prussia invaded the Austrian province of Silesia in hopes of annexing it permanently. The elderly Cardinal Fleury had little energy left to oppose the war, which was strongly supported by the anti-Austrian party at court. Renewing the cycle of conflicts typical of Louis XIV’s reign, the king entered the war in 1741 on the side of Prussia in hopes of pursuing its own anti-Austrian foreign policy goals. The war would last seven years and Fleury did not live to see its end. After Fleury’s death in 1743, the king followed his predecessor’s example of ruling without a first minister. In Germany, the French were forced back to the Rhine and their Bavarian allies were decisively defeated. At one point Austria even considered launching an offensive against Alsace, before being compelled to retreat due to a Prussian offensive. In north Italy, the war stalled and did not produce significant results.
These fronts were of lesser importance than the front in the Netherlands. Here, France experienced much military success despite the king’s loss of his trusted advisor. Against an army composed of British, Dutch, and Austrian forces, the French were able to savor a series of major victories at the Battles of Fontenoy (1745), Rocoux (1746), and Lauffeld (1747). In 1746, French forces besieged and occupied Brussels, which Louis entered in triumph. By 1748, France occupied the entire Austrian Netherlands (modern-day Belgium) as well as some parts of the northern Netherlands, then the wealthiest area of Europe.
Despite his victories, Louis XV, who wanted to appear as an arbiter and not as a conqueror, agreed to restore all his conquests back to the defeated enemies with chivalry at the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748, arguing that he was “king of France, not a shopkeeper.” He thought it better to cultivate the existing borders of France rather than trying to expand them. The attitude was internationally hailed and he became known as the “arbiter of Europe.” At home, however, this decision, largely misunderstood by his generals and by the French people, made the king unpopular. The news that the king had restored the Southern Netherlands to Austria was met with disbelief and bitterness. Louis’s popularity was also threatened by public exposure of his marital infidelities, which likely could have been kept concealed had France not entered the War of the Austrian Succession (when taking personal command of his armies, the king brought along one of his mistresses). The military successes of the War of the Austrian Succession inclined the French public to overlook Louis’s adulteries, but after 1748, in the wake of the anger over the terms of the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, pamphlets against the king’s mistresses became increasingly widely published and read.
Europe in the years after the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748
In the aftermath of the War of Austrian Succession in France, there was a general resentment at what was seen as a foolish throwing away of advantages (particularly in the Austrian Netherlands, which had largely been conquered by the brilliant strategy of Marshal Saxe), and the phrases Bête comme la paix (“Stupid as the peace”) and La guerre pour le roi de Prusse (“The war for the king of Prussia”) became popular in Paris.
Seven Years’ War
By 1755, a new European conflict was brewing. The Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle turned out to be only a short-lived truce in the conflict between Austria and Prussia over the province of Silesia, while France and Britain were in conflict over colonial possessions. Indeed, the French and British were fighting without a declaration of war in the French and Indian War of 1754-1763. In 1755, the British seized 300 French merchant ships in violation of international law. A few months later, Great Britain and Prussia, enemies in the War of the Austrian Succession, signed a 1756 treaty of “neutrality.”
Frederick the Great had abandoned his French ally during the War of Austrian Succession by signing a separate peace treaty with Austria in 1745. At the same time, French officials realized that the Habsburg Empire of Maria Theresa of Austria was no longer the formidable challenge it had been when they controlled Spain and much of the rest of Europe. The new dangerous power looming on the horizon was Prussia. In what is known as diplomatic revolution, the king overruled his ministers and signed the Treaty of Versailles with Austria in 1756, putting an end to more than 200 years of conflict with the Habsburgs. The new Franco-Austrian alliance would last intermittently for the next thirty-five years. In 1756, Frederick the Great invaded Saxony without a declaration of war, initiating the Seven Years’ War, and Britain declared war on France.
The French military successes of the War of the Austrian Succession were not repeated in the Seven Years’ War, except for a few temporary victories. A French invasion of Hanover in 1757 resulted in a counter-attack that saw them driven out of the electorate. Plans for an invasion of Britain in 1759 were never carried out due to catastrophic naval defeats. French forces suffered disaster after disaster against the British in North America, the Caribbean, India, and Africa.
Map showing the 1750 possessions of Britain (pink), France (blue), and Spain (green) in North America and the Caribbean
In the aftermath of the lost Seven Years’ War, France lost most of its colonial holdings in North America and some, although not all, of its colonies in the Caribbean.
Treaty of Paris
During
the war, Great Britain conquered the French colonies of Canada, Guadeloupe,
Saint Lucia, Dominica, Grenada, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, and Tobago, the
French trading posts in India, the slave-trading station at Gorée, the Sénégal
River and its settlements, and the Spanish colonies of Manila in the
Philippines and Havana in Cuba. France captured Minorca and British trading
posts in Sumatra while Spain captured the border fortress of Almeida in
Portugal and Colonia del Sacramento in South America.
In
the Treaty of Paris of 1763, which ended the Seven Years’ War, most of these territories were restored to their original owners, although Britain made considerable gains. France and Spain restored all their
conquests to Britain and Portugal. Britain restored Manila and Havana to Spain,
and Guadeloupe, Martinique, Saint Lucia, Gorée, and the Indian trading posts to
France. In return, France ceded Canada, Dominica, Grenada, Saint Vincent and
the Grenadines, and Tobago to Britain. France also ceded the eastern half of
French Louisiana to Britain. In addition, while France regained its trading posts in
India, it recognized British clients as the rulers of key Indian native
states and pledged not to send troops to Bengal. The
Treaty is sometimes noted as the point at which France gave
Louisiana to Spain. The transfer, however, occurred with the Treaty of
Fontainebleau (1762) but was not publicly announced until 1764. The Treaty
of Paris was to give Britain the east side of the Mississippi. New Orleans on the east side remained in French hands (albeit
temporarily). The Mississippi River corridor in what is modern day Louisiana
was to be reunited following the Louisiana Purchase in 1803 and the
Adams-Onís Treaty in 1819.
Territorial Gains
Although Louis XV failed to expand the French frontier, the large acquisition of Lorraine through diplomacy in 1766 contributed to his legacy. Furthermore, after a short period of Corsican sovereignty, France conquered the island but it was not incorporated into the French state until 1789.
22.1.8: The American Revolution
France supported the rebellious colonies (eventually the United States) during the American Revolution because it perceived the revolt as the embodiment of Enlightenment ideals and as an opportunity to curb British ambitions.
Learning Objective
Connect the American Revolution and French politics
Key Points
- The
origins of the French involvement in the American Revolution go back to the
British victory in the French and Indian War. France’s
loss in that war weakened its international position at the time when
Britain was becoming the most powerful European empire. The outbreak
of the American Revolution was thus seen in France as an opportunity to curb
British ambitions. -
From
the spring of 1776, France (together with Spain) was informally involved in the
American Revolutionary War by providing supplies, ammunition, and guns. The 1777 capture of a British army at Saratoga encouraged the French to formally enter
the war in support of Congress. -
Benjamin Franklin negotiated a permanent
military alliance in early 1778 and thus France became the first country
to officially recognize the Declaration of Independence. In 1778, the Treaty of
Amity and Commerce and the Treaty of Alliance were signed between the United
States and France. - France supported the United States in North America but as the enemy of Britain, it was also involved in the Caribbean and
Indian theaters of the American Revolution. -
France’s material gains in the aftermath of the
American Revolution were minimal, but its financial losses huge. The treaty with
France was mostly about exchanges of captured territory (France’s only net
gains were the islands of Tobago and Senegal in Africa). Historians link
the disastrous post-war financial state of the French state to the subsequent French Revolution. -
The American Revolution also serves as an
example of the transatlantic flow of ideas. At its ideological roots were
the ideals of the Enlightenment, many of which emerged in France and were
developed by French philosophers. Conversely, the American Revolution became
the first in a series of upheavals in the Atlantic that embodied the
ideals of the Enlightenment and thus inspired others to follow the
revolutionary spirit, including the French during their 1789 Revolution.
Key Terms
- Enlightenment
-
An intellectual movement which dominated the world of ideas in Europe in the 18th century. It included a range of ideas centered on reason as the primary source of authority and legitimacy, and came to advance ideals such as liberty, progress, tolerance, fraternity, constitutional government, and separation of church and state.
- French and Indian War
-
A 1754-1763 conflict that comprised
the North American theater of the worldwide Seven Years’ War of
1756-1763. The war pitted the colonies of British America against
those of New France, with both sides supported by military units from their
parent countries of Great Britain and France as well as by American Indian
allies. - Treaty of Paris of 1763
-
A 1763 treaty signed by the
kingdoms of Great Britain, France and Spain with Portugal in agreement, after
Great Britain’s victory over France and Spain during the Seven Years’ War. The
signing of the treaty formally ended the Seven Years’ War and marked the
beginning of an era of British dominance outside Europe. Great Britain and
France each returned much of the territory that they had captured during the war,
but Great Britain gained much of France’s possession in North America.
Additionally, Great Britain agreed to protect Roman Catholicism in the New
World. The treaty did not involve Prussia and Austria as they signed a separate
agreement, the Treaty of Hubertusburg. - Second Anglo-Mysore War
-
A 1780-1784 conflict between the Kingdom of Mysore and the British East India Company. At the time, Mysore was a key French ally in India, and the Franco-British war sparked Anglo-Mysorean hostilities in India. The great majority of soldiers on the company side were raised, trained, paid, and commanded by the company, not the British government.
- New France
-
The area colonized by France in North America during a period beginning with the exploration of the Saint Lawrence River by Jacques Cartier in 1534 and ending with the cession to Spain and Great Britain in 1763. At its peak in 1712, the territory extended from Newfoundland to the Rocky Mountains and from Hudson Bay to the Gulf of Mexico, including all the Great Lakes of North America.
France and the American Revolution: Background
The origins of the French involvement in the American Revolution go back to the British victory in the French and Indian War (1754–1763; the American theater in the Seven Years’ War).
The war pitted the colonies of British America against those of New France, with both sides supported by military units from their parent countries as well as by American Indians. As a result of the war, France ceded most of the territories of New France, except the islands of Saint Pierre and Miquelon, to Great Britain and Spain at the Treaty of Paris of 1763. Britain received Canada, Acadia, and the parts of French Louisiana which lay east of the Mississippi River – except for New Orleans, which was granted to Spain, along with the territory to the west – the larger portion of Louisiana. Consequently, France lost its position as a major player in North American affairs.
France’s loss in the war weakened its international position at the time when Britain began turning into the most powerful European empire. The outbreak of the American Revolution was thus seen in France as an opportunity to curb British ambitions. Furthermore, both the French general population and the elites supported the revolutionary spirit that many perceived as the incarnation of the Enlightenment ideals against the “English tyranny.” In political terms, the Revolution was seen in France as an opportunity to strip Britain of its North American possessions in retaliation for France’s loss a decade before.
French Involvement
From the spring of 1776, France and Spain were informally involved in the American Revolutionary War, with French admiral Latouche Tréville leading the process of providing supplies, ammunition, and guns from France.
In 1777, the British sent an invasion force from Canada to seal off New England as part of a grand strategy to end the war. The British army in New York City went to Philadelphia, capturing it from Washington. The invasion army under John Burgoyne waited in vain for reinforcements from New York and became trapped in northern New York state. It surrendered after the Battle of Saratoga in October 1777.
Surrender of General Burgoyne at the Battle of Saratoga, by John Trumbull, 1822.
A British army was captured at the Battle of Saratoga in late 1777 and in its aftermath, the French openly entered the war as allies of the United States. Estimates place the percentage of French-supplied arms to the Americans in the Saratoga campaign at up to 90%.
The capture of a British army at Saratoga encouraged the French to formally enter the war in support of Congress. Benjamin Franklin negotiated a permanent military alliance in early 1778 , making France the first country to officially recognize the Declaration of Independence. In 1778, the Treaty of Amity and Commerce and the Treaty of Alliance were signed between the United States and France. William Pitt, former British prime minister and Britain’s political leader during the Seven Years’ War, spoke out in parliament urging Britain to make peace in America and unite with America against France, while other British politicians who previously sympathized with colonial grievances now turned against the Americans for allying with Britain’s international rival and enemy. Later, Spain (in 1779) and the Dutch (1780) became allies of the French, leaving the British Empire to fight a global war without major international support.
The American theater became only one front in Britain’s war. The British were forced to withdraw troops from continental America to reinforce the valuable sugar-producing Caribbean colonies, which were considered more important.
British commander Sir Henry Clinton evacuated Philadelphia to reinforce New York City because of the alliance with France and the deteriorating military situation. General Washington attempted to intercept the retreating column, resulting in the Battle of Monmouth Court House, the last major battle fought in the north. After an inconclusive engagement, the British successfully retreated to New York City. The northern war subsequently became a stalemate, as the focus of attention shifted to the smaller southern theater.
The northern, southern, and naval theaters of the war converged in 1781 at Yorktown, Virginia.
The British army under Cornwallis marched to Yorktown, where they expected to be rescued by a British fleet. The fleet was there but so was a larger French fleet. The British returned to New York for reinforcements after the Battle of the Chesapeake, leaving Cornwallis trapped. In October 1781, the British surrendered their second invading army of the war under a siege by the combined French and Continental armies under Washington.
Surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown, by John Trumbull, 1797.
In 1781, British forces moved through Virginia and settled at Yorktown, but their escape was blocked by a French naval victory in September. A combined Franco-American army launched a siege at Yorktown and captured more than 8,000 British troops in October. The defeat at Yorktown finally turned the British Parliament against the war and in early 1782 they voted to end offensive operations in North America.
France was also involved in the Caribbean and Indian theaters of the American Revolutionary War.
Although France lost St. Lucia early in the war, its navy dominated the Caribbean, capturing Dominica, Grenada, Saint Vincent, Montserrat, Tobago, St. Kitts, and Turks and Caicos between 1778 and 1782. Dutch possessions in the Caribbean and South America were captured by Britain but later recaptured by France and restored to the Dutch Republic. When word reached India in 1778 that France had entered the war, the British East India Company moved quickly to capture French trading outposts there. The capture of the French-controlled port of Mahé on India’s west coast motivated Mysore’s ruler, Hyder Ali, to start the Second Anglo-Mysore War in 1780. The French support was weak, however, and the
status quo ante bellum (“the state existing before the war”) 1784 Treaty of Mangalore ended the war. France’s trading posts in India were returned after the war.
Aftermath of the American Revolution for France
France’s material gains in the aftermath of the American Revolution were minimal but its financial losses huge. The treaty with France was mostly about exchanges of captured territory (France’s only net gains were the islands of Tobago and Senegal in Africa), but it also reinforced earlier treaties, guaranteeing fishing rights off Newfoundland. France, already in financial trouble, was economically exhausted by borrowing to pay for the war and using up all its credit. Its participation in the war created the financial disasters that marked the 1780s. Historians link those disasters to the coming of the French Revolution. Ironically,
while the peace in 1783 left France on the verge of an economic crisis, the British economy boomed thanks to the return of American business.
The American Revolution also serves as an example of the transatlantic flow of ideas. At its ideological roots were the ideals of the Enlightenment, many of which emerged in France and were developed by French philosophers. Conversely, the American Revolution became the first in a series of upheavals in the Atlantic that embodied the ideals of the Enlightenment and thus inspired others to follow the revolutionary spirit, including the French during their 1789 Revolution. The American Revolution was a powerful example of overthrowing an old regime for many Europeans who were active during the era of the French Revolution, and the American Declaration of Independence influenced the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen of 1789.
22.2: Louis XVI’s Early Years
22.2.1: Louis XVI
Louis XVI, although highly educated and intellectually gifted, was seen by his contemporaries and is largely remembered as an individual of unimaginative and indecisive personality.
Learning Objective
Recall Louis XVI’s childhood and describe his character
Key Points
-
Louis XVI (1754 –
1793), born Louis-Auguste, was King of France from 1774 until his
deposition in 1792, although his formal title after 1791 was King of the
French. During his
childhood, Louis-Auguste was neglected by his parents who favored his older
brother, Louis, duc de Bourgogne. Considered brighter and more handsome than
his little brother, Louis, duc de Bourgogne died at the age of nine in
1761. -
A strong and healthy but
very shy Louis-Auguste was an intellectually curious and gifted student. Upon the death of his father, he became the new
Dauphin. The strict and conservative education he received
from the Duc de La Vauguyon, however, did
not prepare him for the throne that he was to inherit in 1774. -
In
1770, at age 15, Louis-Auguste married 14-year-old
Habsburg Archduchess Maria Antonia, the youngest daughter of the Holy Roman Emperor
Francis I and his wife Empress Maria Theresa of the Habsburg dynasty. The
French public was hostile towards the marriage that confirmed the Franco-Austrian alliance. -
Over time
the couple became closer, although their marriage was not consummated until
1777. The created a strain upon their marriage and the failure to produce children alerted the French public. -
When
Louis XVI succeeded to the throne in 1774, he had an
enormous responsibility as the government was deeply in debt and resentment of
“despotic” monarchy was on the rise. While none doubted Louis’s intellectual ability to rule
France, it was quite clear that, although raised as the Dauphin since 1765, he
lacked firmness and decisiveness. -
Historians
note the king had a rather dull personality. In addition to the extreme lack of
decisiveness demonstrated by his decisions regarding both domestic and
foreign policies, he has been described as quiet and shy but also conventional
and unimaginative.
Key Terms
- parlements
-
Provincial appellate courts in the
France of the Ancien Régime, i.e. before the French Revolution. They were
not legislative bodies but rather the court of final appeal of the judicial
system. They typically wielded much power over a wide range of subject matter,
particularly taxation. Laws and edicts issued by the Crown were not official in
their respective jurisdictions until assent was given by publication.
The members were aristocrats who had bought or inherited their offices and were
independent of the King. - Seven Years’ War
-
A world war fought between
1754 and 1763, the main conflict occurring in the seven-year period from 1756
to 1763. It involved every European great power of the time except the
Ottoman Empire, spanning five continents and affecting Europe, the Americas,
West Africa, India, and the Philippines. The conflict split Europe into two
coalitions, led by Great Britain on one side and France on the other. - Dauphin
-
The title given to the heir apparent to the throne of France from 1350 to 1791 and 1824 to 1830.
Louis XVI: Childhood
Louis XVI (1754 – 1793), born Louis-Auguste, was King of France from 1774 until his deposition in 1792, although his formal title after 1791 was King of the French. Out of seven children, he was the second son of Louis, the Dauphin of France, and thus the grandson of Louis XV and Maria Leszczyńska. His mother was Marie-Josèphe of Saxony, the daughter of Frederick Augustus II of Saxony, Prince-Elector of Saxony and King of Poland. During his childhood, Louis-Auguste was neglected by his parents who favored his older brother, Louis, duc de Bourgogne. Considered brighter and more handsome than his little brother,
the eldest son died at the age of nine in 1761.
A strong and healthy but very shy Louis-Auguste excelled at Latin, history, geography, and astronomy, and became fluent in Italian and English. Upon the death of his father, who died of tuberculosis in 1765, the eleven-year-old Louis-Auguste became the new Dauphin. His mother never recovered from the loss of her husband and died in 1767, also from tuberculosis. The strict and conservative education he received from the Duc de La Vauguyon, “gouverneur des Enfants de France” (governor of the Children of France), from 1760 until his marriage in 1770, did not prepare him for the throne that he was to inherit in 1774 after the death of his grandfather, Louis XV.
Marriage
In 1770 at age 15, Louis-Auguste married 14-year-old Habsburg Archduchess Maria Antonia (better known by the French form of her name, Marie Antoinette), the youngest daughter of the Holy Roman Emperor Francis I and his wife, Empress Maria Theresa of the Habsburg dynasty. The French public was hostile towards the marriage. France’s alliance with Austria pulled the country into the disastrous Seven Years’ War, in which it was defeated by the British both in Europe and in North America. By the time Louis-Auguste and Marie Antoinette were married, the French people were generally critical of the Franco-Austrian alliance and Marie-Antoinette was seen as an unwelcome foreigner.
For the young couple, the marriage was initially amiable but distant. Over time, the couple became closer, although their marriage was not consummated until 1777. The royal couple thus failed to produce children for several years after their wedding, which created a strain upon their marriage. The contemporary French public fervently debated why the royal couple failed to
produce an heir for so long, and historians have tried to identify the cause of why they failed to consummate their marriage for years. Eventually, in spite of their earlier difficulties, the royal couple became the parents of four children.
Louis XVI at the age of 20, by Joseph Duplessis, ca. 1775.
Louis’s indecisiveness and conservatism led some to view him as a symbol of the perceived tyranny of the Ancien Régime and his popularity deteriorated progressively, despite the king’s many decisions triggered by his desire to be loved by the public.
Louis XVI’s Personality
When Louis XVI succeeded to the throne in 1774, he was 19 years old. He had an enormous responsibility as the government was deeply in debt and resentment of “despotic” monarchy was on the rise. He felt woefully unqualified to resolve the situation. As king, Louis focused primarily on religious freedom and foreign policy. While none doubted Louis’s intellectual ability to rule France, it was quite clear that although raised as the Dauphin since 1765, he lacked firmness and decisiveness. His desire to be loved by his people is evident in the prefaces of many of his edicts, which often explained that his actions were intended to benefit the population. He aimed to earn the love of his people by reinstating the parlements. When questioned about his decision, he said, “It may be considered politically unwise, but it seems to me to be the general wish and I want to be loved.” Louis XVI believed that to be a good king, he had to, in his own words, “always consult public opinion; it is never wrong.”
Historians note the king had a rather dull personality. In addition to the extreme lack of decisiveness demonstrated by king’s decisions regarding both domestic and foreign policies, he has been described as quiet and shy but also conventional and unimaginative. His interest in locksmithing and carpentry as well as commitment to deepening his education (he had an impressive library) were seen as hobbies that he was more passionate about than about ruling France. Even the long period when the royal couple did not produce children was interpreted in light of Louis’s unimpressive personality. Contemporary pamphlets mocked the king’s perceived infertility and inability to satisfy his wife, who in turn was accused of extramarital affairs.
22.2.2: Marriage to Marie-Antoinette
Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette’s marriage confirmed and strengthened the Franco-Austrian alliance, which had many opponents among French elites and commoners.
Learning Objective
Explain the political reasons for the marriage of Marie-Antoinette and Louis XVI
Key Points
-
Maria Antonia (1755 – 1793), commonly known as
Marie Antoinette, was born in Vienna as the youngest daughter of Empress Maria
Theresa, ruler of the Habsburg Empire, and her husband Francis I, Holy Roman
Emperor. Her family connections made her the primary candidate for the wife of the Dauphin of France at the time of the Franco-Austrian alliance. -
Following the Seven Years’ War and the
Diplomatic Revolution of 1756, Maria Theresa and Louis XV’s common desire to
destroy the ambitions of Prussia and Great Britain and help secure a
definitive peace between them led them to seal their alliance with a marriage:
in 1770, Louis XV formally asked the hand of Maria Antonia for his eldest
surviving grandson, future Louis XVI. -
The French public was hostile towards the
marriage. France’s alliance with Austria had pulled the country into the
disastrous Seven Years’ War, in which it was defeated by the British, both in
Europe and in North America. By the time that Louis and Marie Antoinette were
married, the French were generally critical of the Austrian alliance, and many
saw Marie Antoinette as an unwelcome foreigner. -
At
the outset of the reign of Louis XVI, Marie Antoinette had limited political influence with her husband although she played an important role in introducing French meditation in the process of ending the War of Bavarian Succession. - Later, the queen’s political impact rose significantly. She played a key role in supporting the American Revolution and influenced nominations for critical state positions.
-
Maria Theresa died in 1780 and Marie
Antoinette feared that the death of her mother would jeopardize the
Franco-Austrian alliance (as well as, ultimately, herself), but her brother,
Joseph II, Holy Roman Emperor, assured her that he had no intention of breaking
the alliance.
Key Terms
- Seven Years’ War
-
A world war fought between 1754 and 1763,
the main conflict occurring in the seven-year period from 1756 to 1763. It
involved every European great power of the time except the Ottoman Empire,
spanning five continents and affecting Europe, the Americas, West Africa,
India, and the Philippines. The conflict split Europe into two coalitions, led
by Great Britain on one side and France on the other. - Diplomatic Revolution of 1756
-
The reversal of longstanding
alliances in Europe between the War of the Austrian Succession and the Seven
Years’ War. Austria went from an ally of Britain to an ally of France. Prussia
became an ally of Britain. It was part of efforts to preserve or upset the
European balance of power. - War of the Bavarian Succession
-
A 1778 – 1779 conflict between a Saxon-Prussian alliance and Austria to prevent the Habsburgs from acquiring the Electorate of Bavaria. Although the war consisted of only a few minor skirmishes, thousands of soldiers died from disease and starvation, earning the conflict the name Kartoffelkrieg (Potato War) in Prussia and Saxony.
- Dauphin
-
The title given to the heir apparent to the throne of France from 1350 to 1791 and 1824 to 1830.
Maria Antonia: Childhood
Maria Antonia (1755 – 1793), commonly known as Marie Antoinette, was born in Vienna as the youngest daughter of Empress Maria Theresa, ruler of the Habsburg Empire, and her husband Francis I, Holy Roman Emperor. Shortly after her birth, she was placed under the care of the Governess of the Imperial children, Countess von Brandeis. Despite the private tutoring she received, results of her schooling were less than satisfactory. At the age of ten, she could not write correctly in German or in any language commonly used at court, such as French and Italian. Conversations with her were stilted although she became a good musician. She played the harp, the harpsichord, and the flute, had a beautiful singing voice, and excelled at dancing.
Political Marriage
Following the Seven Years’ War and the Diplomatic Revolution of 1756, Empress Maria Theresa decided to end hostilities with her longtime enemy, King Louis XV of France. Their common desire to destroy the ambitions of Prussia and Great Britain and help secure a definitive peace between them led them to seal their alliance with a marriage: in 1770, Louis XV formally asked the hand of Maria Antonia for his eldest surviving grandson, future Louis XVI. Maria Antonia formally renounced all her rights to the Habsburg domains and was married to the Dauphin of France the same year. Upon her arrival in France, she adopted the French version of her name: Marie Antoinette.
The couple’s failure to produce children for several years placed a strain upon their marriage, exacerbated by the publication of obscene pamphlets mocking their infertility. The reasons behind the couple’s initial failure to have children were debated at that time and have been since.
The marriage was reportedly consummated in 1773 but historians have concluded it did not take place until 1777.
Eventually, in spite of their early difficulties, the royal couple became the parents of four children.
The French public was hostile towards the marriage. France’s alliance with Austria pulled the country into the disastrous Seven Years’ War, in which it was defeated by the British both in Europe and in North America. By the time that Louis and Marie Antoinette were married, the French were generally critical of the Austrian alliance and many saw Marie Antoinette as an unwelcome foreigner. Simultaneously, the Dauphine was beautiful, personable, and well-liked by the common people. Her first official appearance in Paris in 1773 was a resounding success.
In 1770,
Madame du Barry, Louis XV’s mistress with considerable political influence, was instrumental in ousting Étienne François, duc de Choiseul, who had helped orchestrate the Franco-Austrian alliance and Marie Antoinette’s marriage, and exiling his sister the duchesse de Gramont, one of Marie Antoinette’s ladies-in-waiting. Marie Antoinette was persuaded by her husband’s aunts to refuse to even acknowledge du Barry, but some saw this as a political blunder that jeopardized Austria’s interests at the French court. However, Marie Antoinette’s mother and the Austrian ambassador to France who was sending the Empress secret reports on Marie-Antoinette’s behavior, put Marie Antoinette under pressure and she grudgingly agreed to speak to Madame du Barry. Two days after the death of Louis XV in 1774, Louis XVI exiled Madame du Barry, pleasing his wife and aunts.
Marie Antoinette in a court dress worn over extremely wide panniers, Louise Élisabeth Vigée Le Brun (1778).
The queen spent heavily on fashion, luxuries, and gambling, although the country was facing a grave financial crisis. For her, Rose Bertin created dresses, hair styles such as poufs up to three feet high and the panache (bundle of feathers). She and her court also adopted the English fashion of dresses made of indienne (a material banned in France from 1686 until 1759), percale, and muslin. By the time of the Flour War of 1775, a series of riots against the high price of flour and bread, her reputation among the general public was damaged.
Political Influence
Upon the death of Louis XV in 1774, the Dauphin ascended the throne as King Louis XVI of France and Navarre, and Marie Antoinette became Queen of France and Navarre. At the outset, the new queen had limited political influence with her husband. Marie Antoinette’s first child, Marie-Thérèse Charlotte, was born in 1778, but in the middle of the queen’s pregnancy her brother made claims on the throne of Bavaria (the War of the Bavarian Succession). Marie Antoinette pleaded with her husband for the French to intercede on behalf of Austria. The Peace of Teschen (1779) ended the brief conflict, with the queen imposing French mediation on the demand of her mother and Austria’s gaining a territory of at least 100,000 inhabitants, a strong retreat from the early French position of hostility toward Austria with the impression, partially justified, that the queen sided with Austria against France.
The queen played a very important role in supporting the American Revolution by securing Austrian and Russian support for France, which resulted in the establishment of a neutral league that stopped Great Britain’s attack and by weighing in decisively for the nomination of Philippe Henri, marquis de Ségur, as Minister of War and Charles Eugène Gabriel de La Croix, marquis de Castries, Secretary of the Navy in 1780. The two helped George Washington in defeating the British in the American Revolutionary War, which ended in 1783.
In 1783, the queen also played a decisive role in the nomination of Charles Alexandre de Calonne as Controller-General of Finances, and of the baron de Breteuil as the Minister for the Maison du Roi (Minister of the Royal Household), making him perhaps the strongest and most conservative minister of the reign. As a result of these nominations, Marie Antoinette’s influence became paramount in government, and the new ministers rejected any major change to the structure of the old regime. More than that, the decree by de Ségur requiring four quarterings of nobility as a condition for the appointment of officers blocked the access of commoners to important positions in the armed forces.
Empress Maria Theresa died in 1780 and Marie Antoinette feared the death of her mother would jeopardize the Franco-Austrian alliance, but her brother, Joseph II, Holy Roman Emperor, assured her that he had no intention of breaking the alliance. Joseph II visited his sister in 1781 to reaffirm the Franco-Austrian alliance, but his visit was tainted with rumors that Marie Antoinette was sending money from the French treasury to Austria.
In the same year, Marie Antoinette gave birth to her second child, Louis Joseph Xavier François, Dauphin of France.
Despite the general celebration over the birth of the Dauphin, Marie Antoinette’s political influence, such as it was, did greatly benefit Austria. This together with the queen’s extravagant and expensive lifestyle contributed to her growing unpopularity.
22.2.3: The New Royals and Their People
Despite the initial sympathy of the commoners, Marie Antoinette quickly lost the approval of the French as her lavish lifestyle and pro-Austrian stance combined with Louis XVI’s failed reforms turned both the elites and the masses hostile towards the royals.
Learning Objective
Characterize the relationship between the royals and the French people at the beginning of Louis XVI’s reign
Key Points
-
Although nearly all royal marriages in Europe
were traditionally arranged around the political interests of
involved families, the marriage of Louis-Auguste and
Maria Antonia provoked very strong and ambiguous reactions in France. It aimed
to strengthen the union between France and Austria, but the French public was highly critical of the political alliance. -
Despite the common skepticism towards the
Franco-Austrian alliance, Marie Antoinette’s arrival in Paris provoked
excitement. She was beautiful, personable, and well-liked by the common people.
Her first official appearance in Paris in 1773 was a resounding success.
However, the popularity of the queen did not last long. - The queen’s
extravagant lifestyle soon
discouraged many, particularly in light of the country’s financial crisis and mass poverty. She spent heavily on fashion, luxuries, and gambling.
By the
time of the Flour War of 1775, a series of riots against the high price of flour
and bread, her reputation among the general public was damaged. -
Similarly, the queen’s role in French politics
contributed to the loss of initial popularity as Marie Antoinette was
consistently accused of influencing her husband’s decisions to disproportionately benefit Austria. -
The wealth and lavish
lifestyle that the royal couple provided for their favorites outraged most aristocratic families, who resented the influence of the selected few, and also fueled the increasing popular disapprobation
toward Marie Antoinette, mostly in Paris. -
The queen’s lifestyle continued to fuel her
increasingly negative public image. Her husband’s seeming approval of Marie
Antoinette’s choices, combined with his failed reforms and declining mental
health, only worsened the already hostile attitude of both the elites and masses.
Key Terms
- Seven Years’ War
-
A world war fought between
1754 and 1763, the main conflict occurring in the seven-year period from 1756
to 1763. It involved every European great power of the time except the
Ottoman Empire, spanning five continents and affecting Europe, the Americas,
West Africa, India, and the Philippines. The conflict split Europe into two
coalitions, led by Great Britain on one side and France on the other. - War of the Bavarian Succession
-
A 1778 – 1779 conflict between
a Saxon-Prussian alliance and Austria to prevent the Habsburgs from
acquiring the Electorate of Bavaria. Although the war consisted of only a few
minor skirmishes, thousands of soldiers died from disease and starvation,
earning the conflict the name Kartoffelkrieg (Potato War) in
Prussia and Saxony. - Kettle War
-
A military confrontation between the troops of the Holy Roman Empire and the Republic of the Seven Netherlands on October 8, 1784. Its name relates to the fact that the only shot fired hit a soup kettle.
- the Flour War
-
A wave of riots arising from April to May 1775 in France that followed an increase in grain prices and subsequently bread prices. The riots started after the police withheld grain from the royal stores but were also triggered by poor harvests in the summers of 1773 and 1774.
- Dauphin
-
The title given to the heir
apparent to the throne of France from 1350 to 1791 and 1824 to 1830.
The French Public and the Political Marriage
Although nearly all royal marriages in Europe were traditionally arranged around the political interests of involved families, the marriage of fifteen-year-old Louis-Auguste and fourteen-year-old Maria Antonia (better known by the French form of her name Marie Antoinette) provoked very strong and ambiguous reactions in France. As a daughter of the Holy Roman Emperor Francis I and Empress Maria Theresa, the head of the Habsburg Empire, Maria Antonia belonged to one of the most powerful royal families in Europe. Her marriage to the heir to the French throne aimed to strengthen the ongoing if still rather recent union between two empires that were at the time seen as the weaker players in the European balance of power. Louis XV and Maria Theresa’s common desire to destroy the ambitions of Prussia and Great Britain and help secure a definitive peace between the two old enemies were at the foundation of the marriage, but many among the French public were skeptical about the union. The alliance with Austria pulled France into the disastrous Seven Years’ War, in which it was defeated by the British both in Europe and in North America. By the time Louis-Auguste and Maria Antonia were married, the French people were generally critical of the Franco-Austrian alliance.
The Loss of Popularity
Despite the common skepticism towards the Franco-Austrian alliance, Marie Antoinette’s arrival in Paris provoked excitement. She was beautiful, personable, and well-liked by the common people. Her first official appearance in Paris in 1773 was a resounding success. However, the popularity of the queen did not last long.
Her extravagant lifestyle soon discouraged many, particularly in light of the country’s financial crisis and poverty of the masses. She spent heavily on fashion, luxuries, and gambling, including custom dresses, hair styles such as poufs up to three feet high, and the panache (bundle of feathers), all made by Rose Bertin. She and her court also adopted the English fashion of dresses made of indienne (a material banned in France from 1686 until 1759), percale, and muslin. By the time of the Flour War of 1775, a series of riots against the high price of flour and bread, her reputation among the general public was damaged.
Similarly, the queen’s role in French politics contributed to the loss of initial popularity as Marie Antoinette was consistently accused of influencing her husband’s decisions to disproportionately benefit Austria. In 1778, her brother and the Holy Roman Emperor Joseph II made claims on the throne
of Bavaria (the War of the Bavarian Succession). Marie Antoinette pleaded with her
husband for the French to intercede on behalf of Austria. The Peace of Teschen
(1779) ended the brief conflict, with the queen imposing French mediation on
the demand of her mother, and Austria gaining a territory of at least 100,000
inhabitants — a strong retreat from the early French position of hostility toward Austria with the impression, partially justified, that the queen sided
with Austria against France.
Empress
Maria Theresa died in 1780 and Marie Antoinette feared that the death of her
mother would jeopardize the Franco-Austrian alliance, but her brother assured her that he
had no intention of breaking the alliance. Joseph II visited his sister in 1781
to reaffirm the Franco-Austrian alliance, but his visit was tainted with rumors
that Marie Antoinette was sending money from the French treasury to Austria. In the
same year, Marie Antoinette gave birth to her second child, Louis Joseph Xavier
François, Dauphin of France. Despite the general celebration over the birth of
the Dauphin, Marie Antoinette’s political influence continued to benefit Austria, which contributed to her growing unpopularity.
During the Kettle War, in which her brother Joseph attempted to open the Scheldt River for naval passage, Marie Antoinette succeeded in obtaining a huge financial compensation to Austria. The queen was also able to get her brother’s support against Great Britain in the American Revolution and neutralized French hostility to his alliance with Russia.
Marie Antoinette dans son salon, Jean-Baptiste André Gautier-Dagoty, 1774.
France’s financial problems were the result of a combination of factors: expensive wars; a large royal family whose expenditures were paid for by the state; and the unwillingness of the privileged classes to help defray the costs of the government out of their own pockets by relinquishing some of their financial privileges. Yet the public perception was that Marie Antoinette had ruined the national finances. She was even given the nickname of “Madame Déficit.” While sole fault for the financial crisis did not lie with her, Marie Antoinette played a decisive role in the failure of radical reforms.
In 1782, after the governess of the royal children, the princesse de Guéméné, went bankrupt and resigned, Marie Antoinette appointed her favorite, the duchesse de Polignac, to the position. The decision met with disapproval from the court as the duchess was considered to be of too modest birth to occupy such an exalted position. On the other hand, both the king and the queen trusted de Polignac completely and gave her a thirteen-room apartment in Versailles and a generous salary. The entire Polignac family benefited greatly from the royal favor in titles and positions, but its sudden wealth and lavish lifestyle outraged most aristocratic families (who resented the Polignacs’ dominance at court) and fueled the increasing popular disapprobation toward Marie Antoinette, mostly in Paris.
The queen’s lifestyle continued to fuel her increasingly negative public image. Her husband’s seeming approval of Marie Antoinette’s choices, combined with his failed reforms and declining mental health, only worsened the already hostile attitude of both the elites and the masses. The aristocracy was angered by the king’s failed attempts to impose taxes on them while the masses, already in poverty, continued to carry the unjust burden of taxation. In 1783, the queen began to create her “hamlet,” a rustic retreat built by her favored architect Richard Mique. Its creation caused another uproar when the cost became widely known. A year later, Louis XVI bought the Château de Saint-Cloud from the duc d’Orléans in the name of his wife. The decision was unpopular, particularly with some factions of the nobility who disliked the queen but also with a growing percentage of the population who disapproved the idea of the queen owning a private residence independent of the king. The purchase of Saint-Cloud damaged the queen’s image even further. In the eyes of public opinion, the lavish spending of the royal family could not be disconnected from France’s disastrous financial condition.
The portrait
of Marie Antoinette and her three surviving children: Marie Thérèse, Louis Charles (on her lap), and Louis Joseph holding up the drape of an empty bassinet signifying the recent death of Marie’s fourth child, Louise Élisabeth
Vigée-Lebrun (1787).
The queen attempted to fight back her critics with propaganda portraying her as a caring mother, most notably in the painting by Élisabeth Vigée Le Brun exhibited at the Royal Académie Salon de Paris in August 1787.
22.2.4: Efforts at Financial Reform
Facing severe financial crisis, Louis XVI appointed three ministers who tried progressive reforms but failed under the pressure of opposition from the privileged classes of the society.
Learning Objective
Compare the efforts made by French finance ministers under Louis XVI to revitalize the French treasury
Key Points
-
While the later years of
Louis XV’s reign saw serious economic setbacks, it was not until 1775 that the French
economy began to enter a true crisis. With the government deeply in debt, Louis XVI was
forced to permit radical reforms. He felt unqualified to resolve the situation
and surrounded himself with experienced finance ministers. -
Anne
Robert Jacques Turgot was appointed Controller-General of Finances in 1774. His radical reforms met with fierce opposition although they were praised by intellectuals. His attacks on privilege won him the
hatred of the nobles and the parlements; his attempted
reforms in the royal household, that of the court; his free trade legislation,
that of the financiers; and his views on religious tolerance that of the clergy. - Marie Antoinette disliked Turgot for
opposing the granting of favors to her proteges, which played a key
role in the end of his career. -
In 1777, Jacques Necker
was made director-general of the finances. His greatest financial measures were
the use of loans to help fund the French debt and increasing interest rather than taxes. In 1781, he gave the
first-ever public record of royal finances, but the statistics were
completely false. In light of the opposition to reforms, Louis forced Necker to resign. Although he was recalled twice, he failed to introduce effective reforms. -
In
1783, Louis replaced Necker with Charles Alexandre de Calonne, who increased
public spending to buy the country way out of debt. Knowing the
Parlement of Paris would veto a single land tax payable by all landowners,
Calonne persuaded Louis XVI to call the Assembly of Notables to vote on his
referendum. - Calonne’s eventual reform package consisted of five major points:
cut government spending; create a revival of free trade methods; authorize the
sale of Church property; equalize salt and tobacco taxes; and establish a
universal land value tax. All
the proposed measures failed because of the powerlessness of the crown to
impose them. Under the pressure of the opposition, Louis XVI dismissed
Calonne in 1787.
Key Terms
- Assembly of Notables
-
A group of high-ranking nobles, ecclesiastics, and state functionaries convened by the King of France on extraordinary occasions to consult on matters of state.
- estates of the realm
-
The broad orders of social hierarchy used in Christendom (Christian Europe) from the medieval period to early modern Europe. Different systems for dividing society members into estates evolved over time. The best-known system is the French Ancien Régime (Old Regime), a three-estate system used until the French Revolution (1789–1799). It was made up of clergy (the First Estate), nobility (the Second Estate), and commoners (the Third Estate).
- Seven Years’ War
-
A world war fought between 1754 and 1763,
the main conflict occurring in the seven-year period from 1756 to 1763. It
involved every European great power of the time except the Ottoman Empire,
spanning five continents and affecting Europe, the Americas, West Africa,
India, and the Philippines. The conflict split Europe into two coalitions, led
by Great Britain on one side and France on the other. - parlements
-
Provincial appellate courts in the
France of the Ancien Régime, i.e. before the French Revolution. They were
not legislative bodies but rather the court of final appeal of the judicial
system. They typically wielded much power over a wide range of subject matter,
particularly taxation. Laws and edicts issued by the Crown were not official in
their respective jurisdictions until they gave assent by publication.
The members were aristocrats who had bought or inherited their offices and were
independent of the King. - Flour War
-
A wave of riots arising from April
to May 1775 in France that followed an increase in grain prices and
subsequently bread prices. The riots started after the police withheld
grain from the royal stores but were also triggered by poor harvests in the
summers of 1773 and 1774. - Estates-General
-
A general assembly representing the French estates of the realm: the clergy (First Estate), the nobles (Second Estate), and the common people (Third Estate).
Financial Crisis under Louis XVI
When Louis XVI succeeded to the throne in 1774, he was 19 years old. At the time, the government was deeply in debt and resentment of monarchy was on the rise.
While the later years of Louis XV’s reign saw serious economic setbacks and the Seven Years’ War (1756–1763) led to an increase in the royal debt and the loss of nearly all of France’s North American possessions, it was not until 1775 that the French economy began enter a true state of crisis. An extended reduction in agricultural prices over the previous twelve years, with dramatic crashes in 1777 and 1786, and climatic events such as the disastrous winters of 1785-1789, contributed to the problem. With the government deeply in debt, Louis XVI was forced to permit radical reforms.
He felt unqualified to resolve the situation and surrounded himself with experienced finance ministers.
Turgot: Radical Reform Approach
Anne Robert Jacques
Turgot was appointed Controller-General of Finances in 1774. His first act was to submit to the king a statement of his guiding principles: “No bankruptcy, no increase of taxation, no borrowing.” Turgot’s policy, in face of the desperate financial position, was to enforce the most rigid economy in all departments. All departmental expenses were to be submitted for the approval of the controller-general, while Turgot appealed personally to the king against the lavish giving of places and pensions. He also imposed certain conditions on leases as they were renewed or annulled, including those for the manufacture of gunpowder and the administration of the royal mails.
Turgot’s measures succeeded in considerably reducing the deficit and raised the national credit to such an extent that in 1776, just before his fall, he was able to negotiate a loan with Dutch bankers at 4% interest. Nonetheless, the deficit was still so large that it prevented him from substituting for indirect taxation a single tax on land. He suppressed, however, a number of octrois (a local tax collected on various articles brought into a district for consumption)
and minor duties, and opposed on grounds of economy, the participation of France in the American Revolutionary War, although without success.
Turgot also set to work to establish free trade in grain, but his edict (1774) met with strong opposition although it won the praise of intellectuals. Turgot was hated by those who were interested in speculations in grain, but his worst enemy was the poor harvest of 1774, which led to a rise in the price of bread in the winter and early spring of 1774–1775.
The so-called Flour War of 1775, a series of riots against
the high price of flour and bread, followed. Turgot showed great firmness in repressing the riots and the king loyally supported his decisions.
Portrait of Turgot by Antoine Graincourt, now in Versailles.
Turgot, originally considered a physiocrat, is today best remembered as an early advocate for economic liberalism.
All this time Turgot had been preparing his famous Six Edicts, which were finally presented in 1776. Two of them met with violent opposition: the edict suppressing forced unpaid labor and the edict suppressing certain rules by which the craft guilds maintained their privileges. In the preamble to the former, Turgot boldly announced the abolition of privilege and the subjection of all three estates to taxation (although the clergy were afterwards excepted).
Soon nearly everybody was against Turgot. His attacks on privilege won him the hatred of the nobles and the parlements; his attempted reforms in the royal household, that of the court; his free trade legislation, that of the financiers; and his views on tolerance and his agitation for the suppression of the phrase that was offensive to Protestants in the king’s coronation oath, that of the clergy. The queen disliked him for opposing the grant of favors to her proteges, which played a key role in the end of his career. With all his enemies, Turgot’s fall was certain. In 1776, he was ordered to resign.
Necker: Loans and Debt
In 1777,
Jacques
Necker was made director-general of the finances since he could not be controller because of his Protestant faith. He gained popularity by regulating the finances through modest tax and loan reforms. His greatest financial measures were his use of loans to help fund the French debt and raisin interest rates rather than taxes. He also advocated loans to finance French involvement in the American Revolution. From 1777 to 1781, Necker was essentially in control of all of France’s wealth. In 1781, he published a work (Compte rendu), in which he summarized governmental income and expenditures, giving the first-ever public record of royal finances. It was meant to create a well-informed, interested populace. However, the statistics presented by Necker were completely false and misleading. He wanted to show France in a strong financial position when the reality was actually bleak. France was suffering financially and Necker was blamed for the high debt accrued from the American Revolution. While at court, Necker made many enemies because of his reforming policies. Marie Antoinette was his most formidable enemy and following his wife’s pressure, Louis would become a factor in Necker’s resignation. The king would not reform taxation to bring in more money to cover debts, nor would he allow Necker to be a special adviser because this was strongly opposed by the ministers.
Yet in 1788, the country had been struck by both economic and financial crises, and Necker was called back to the office to stop the deficit and save France from financial ruin. He was seen as the savior of France while the country stood on the brink of ruin, but his actions could not stop the French Revolution. He put a stop to the rebellion in the Dauphiné by legalizing its assembly and then set to work to arrange for the summons of the Estates-General of 1789. He advocated doubling the representation of the Third Estate to satisfy the people. But he failed to address the matter of voting – rather than voting by head count, which is what the people wanted, voting remained as one vote for each estate. Necker was dismissed on July 11, 1789, three days before the storming of the Bastille.
The king recalled him on July 19 and Necker stayed in office until 1790, but his efforts to keep the financial situation afloat were ineffective. His popularity vanished and he resigned with a broken reputation.
Jacques Necker by
Joseph Duplessi. Original was exhibited at the Salon of 1783, now in the Château de Coppet.
When Necker was criticized by his enemies for the Compte rendu, he made public his “Financial Summary for the King,” which appeared to show that France had fought the war in America, paid no new taxes, and still had a massive credit of 10 million livres of revenue.
Callone: Reform Package
In 1783, Louis replaced Necker with Charles Alexandre de Calonne, who increased public spending to buy the country’s way out of debt. He took office when France was 110 million livres in debt, partly because of its involvement in the American Revolution, and had no means of paying it. At first he attempted to obtain credit and support the government through loans to maintain public confidence in its solvency. In 1785, he reissued the gold coinage and developed
reductions to a basic price of goods or services. Knowing the Parlement of Paris would veto a single land tax payable by all landowners, Calonne persuaded Louis XVI to call the Assembly of Notables to vote on his referendum. Calonne’s eventual reform package consisted of five major points: cut government spending; create a revival of free trade methods; authorize the sale of Church property; equalize salt and tobacco taxes; and establish a universal land value tax. While Turgot and Necker had attempted similar reforms, Calonne attributed their failure to the opposition of the parlements. Therefore, he called the Assembly of Notables in 1787, to which he presented his plan and the deficit in the treasury. Composed of the old regime’s social and political elite, the Assembly balked at the deficit presented to them and despite Calonne’s plan for reform and his backing from the king, they accused the controller-general of being responsible for the enormous financial strains.
All the proposed measures failed because of the powerlessness of the crown to impose them. As a last resort, Calonne proposed to the king the suppression of internal customs duties and argued in favor of the taxation of the property of nobles and clergy.
Under the pressure of the opposition, Louis XVI dismissed Calonne in 1787 and exiled him to Lorraine.
Portrait of de Calonne by Élisabeth-Louise Vigée-Le Brun (1784; London, Royal Collection).
Louis XVI dismissed Calonne in 1787 and exiled him to Lorraine. The joy was general in Paris where Calonne, accused of wishing to raise taxes, was known as Monsieur Déficit. Calonne soon afterwards left for Great Britain, and during his residence there kept up a polemical correspondence with Necker. After his dismissal, Calonne stated, “The King, who assured me a hundred times that he would support me with unshakable firmness, abandoned me, and I succumbed.”
22.3: The Beginning of Revolution
22.3.1: Calling the Estates-General
The Estates-General of 1789 was a general assembly representing the French estates of the realm summoned by Louis XVI to propose solutions to France’s financial problems. It ended when the Third Estate formed into a National Assembly, signaling the outbreak of the French Revolution.
Learning Objective
Analyze the reasons why Louis XVI called the Estates-General.
Key Points
-
The
Estates-General of 1789 was the first meeting
since 1614 of the French Estates-General, a general assembly representing the
French estates of the realm. Summoned by King Louis
XVI to propose solutions to his government’s financial problems, the
Estates-General convened for several weeks in May and June 1789. -
In 1787,
pressured by France’s desperate financial situation,the King convened an Assembly of Notables. France’s finance minister, Charles Alexandre de Calonne, hoped that if the Assembly supported proposed finance reforms, parlements would be forced to register them. The plan failed but the Assembly
insisted that the proposed reforms should be presented to the Estates-General. -
Louis
XVI convoked the Estates-General for
May 1789. The
King agreed to retain many of the divisive customs which had been the norm in
1614 but were intolerable to the Third Estate. The most controversial and
significant decision remained the nature of voting. -
On
May 5, 1789, the Estates-General convened. The following day, the Third Estate
discovered that the royal decree granting double representation also upheld traditional voting by orders. By
trying to avoid the issue of representation and focus solely on taxes, the
King and his ministers gravely misjudged the situation. -
On June 17, with the failure of efforts to
reconcile the three estates, the Third Estate declared themselves redefined as the
National Assembly, an assembly not of the estates but of the people. They
invited the other orders to join them, but made it clear that they intended to
conduct the nation’s affairs with or without them. - The King tried to resist but after failed
attempts to sabotage the Assembly and keep the three estates separate, the Estates-General ceased to exist, becoming the National Assembly.
Key Terms
- Tennis Court Oath
-
An oath taken on June 20, 1789, by the members of the French Estates-General for the Third Estate who had begun to call themselves the National Assembly, vowing “not to separate, and to reassemble wherever circumstances require, until the constitution of the kingdom is established.” It was a pivotal event in the early days of the French Revolution.
- parlements
-
Provincial appellate courts in the France of
the Ancien Régime, i.e. before the French Revolution. They were not
legislative bodies but rather the court of final appeal of the judicial system.
They typically wielded much power over a wide range of subject matter,
particularly taxation. Laws and edicts issued by the Crown were not official in
their respective jurisdictions until assent was given by publication.
The members were aristocrats who had bought or inherited their offices and were
independent of the King. - estates of the realm
-
The broad orders of social
hierarchy used in Christendom (Christian Europe) from the medieval period to
early modern Europe. Different systems for dividing society members into
estates evolved over time. The best-known system is the French
Ancien Régime (Old Regime), a three-estate system used until the
French Revolution (1789–1799). It was made up of clergy (the First Estate),
nobility (the Second Estate), and commoners (the Third Estate). - Estates-General
-
A general assembly representing the
French estates of the realm: the clergy (First Estate), the nobles (Second
Estate), and the common people (Third Estate). - Assembly of Notables
-
A group of high-ranking nobles,
ecclesiastics, and state functionaries convened by the King of France on
extraordinary occasions to consult on matters of state.
The Estates-General (or States-General) of 1789 was the first meeting since 1614 of the general assembly representing the French estates of the realm: the clergy (First Estate), the nobles (Second Estate), and the common people (Third Estate). Summoned by King Louis XVI to propose solutions to his government’s financial problems, the Estates-General sat for several weeks in May and June 1789.
Assembly of Notables of 1787
An Assembly of Notables was a group of high-ranking nobles, ecclesiastics, and state functionaries convened by the King of France on extraordinary occasions to consult on matters of state. Throughout the history of modern France, such an assembly was convened only several times, serving a consultative purpose. Unlike the States-General, whose members were elected by the subjects of the realm, the assemblymen were selected by the king and were prominent men, usually of the aristocracy. In 1787, pressured by France’s desperate financial situation, the King convened an assembly. Repeated attempts to implement tax reform failed due to lack of the Parlement of Paris support, as parlement judges felt that any increase in tax would have a direct negative effect on their own income. In response to this opposition, the finance minister
Charles
Alexandre de
Calonne suggested that Louis XVI call an Assembly of Notables. While the Assembly had no legislative power in its own right, Calonne hoped that if it supported the proposed reforms, parlement would be forced to register them. Most historians argue that the plan failed because the assemblymen, whose privileges the plan aimed to curb, refused to bear the burden of increased taxation, although some have noted that the nobles were quite open to changes but rejected the specifics of Calonne’s proposal. In addition, the Assembly insisted that the proposed reforms should actually be presented to a representative body such as the Estates-General.
Estates-General of 1789
Louis XVI convened the Estates-General in 1788, setting the date of its opening for May 1, 1789. Because it had been so long since the Estates-General had been brought together, there was a debate as to which procedures should be followed. The King agreed to retain many of the divisive customs which were the norm in 1614 but intolerable to the Third Estate at a time when the concept of equality was central to public debate. The most controversial and significant decision remained that of the nature of voting. If the estates voted by order, the nobles and the clergy could together outvote the commons by 2 to 1. If, on the other hand, each delegate was to have one vote, the majority would prevail.
The number of delegates elected was about 1,200, half of whom formed the Third Estate. The First and Second Estates had 300 each. But French society had changed since 1614, and these Estates-General were not like those of 1614. Members of the nobility were not required to stand for election to the Second Estate and many were elected to the Third Estate. The total number of nobles in the three Estates was about 400. Noble representatives of the Third Estate were among the most passionate revolutionaries, including Jean Joseph Mounier and the comte de Mirabeau.
On May 5, 1789, the Estates-General convened. The following day, the Third Estate discovered that the royal decree granting double representation also upheld the traditional voting by orders. The apparent intent of the King and his advisers was for everyone to get directly to the matter of taxes, but by trying to avoid the issue of representation they had gravely misjudged the situation. The Third Estate wanted the estates to meet as one body and for each delegate to have one vote. The other two estates, while having their own grievances against royal absolutism, believed – correctly, as history would prove – that they would lose more power to the Third Estate than they stood to gain from the King. Necker sympathized with the Third Estate in this matter but lacked astuteness as a politician. He decided to let the impasse play out to the point of stalemate before he would enter the fray. As a result, by the time the King yielded to the demand of the Third Estate, it seemed to to be a concession wrung from the monarchy rather than a gift that would have convinced the populace of the King’s goodwill.
Painting by Auguste Couder showing the opening of the Estates-General, ca. 1838.
The suggestion to summon the Estates General came from the Assembly of Notables installed by the King in February 1787. It had not met since 1614. The usual business of registering the King’s edicts as law was performed by the Parlement of Paris. In 1787, it refused to cooperate with Charles Alexandre de Calonne’s program of badly needed financial reform, due to the special interests of its noble members.
On June 17, with the failure of efforts to reconcile the three estates, the Communes – or the Commons, as the Third Estate called itself now – declared themselves redefined as the National Assembly, an assembly not of the estates but of the people. They invited the other orders to join them but made it clear that they intended to conduct the nation’s affairs with or without them. The King tried to resist. On June 20, he ordered to close the hall where the National Assembly met, but deliberations moved to a nearby tennis court, where they proceeded to swear the Tennis Court Oath by which they agreed not to separate until they had settled the constitution of France. Two days later, removed from the tennis court as well, the Assembly met in the Church of Saint Louis, where the majority of the representatives of the clergy joined them. After a failed attempt to keep the three estates separate, that part of the deputies of the nobles who still stood apart joined the National Assembly at the request of the King. The Estates-General ceased to exist, becoming the National Assembly.
22.3.2: Establishment of the National Assembly
Following the storming of
the Bastille on July 14, the National Assembly became the effective government
and constitution drafter that ruled until passing the 1791 Constitution, which turned
France into a constitutional monarchy.
Learning Objective
Critique the National Assembly, its establishment, and its goals
Key Points
- After the Third Estate discovered that the royal decree granting
double representation upheld the traditional voting by orders, its
representatives refused to accept the imposed rules and proceeded to meet
separately. On June 17, with the failure of efforts to reconcile the three
estates, the Third Estate declared themselves redefined as the National
Assembly, an assembly not of the estate but of the people. -
After Louis XVI’s failed attempts to sabotage the Assembly and to
keep the three estates separate, the Estates-General ceased to exist, becoming
the National Assembly. It renamed itself the National Constituent Assembly on
July 9 and began to function as a governing body and constitution-drafter.
Following the storming of the Bastille on July 14, the National Assembly became
the effective government of France. -
The leading forces of the Assembly at this time were the
conservative foes of the revolution (“The Right”);
the Monarchiens inclined toward arranging France along lines similar
to the British constitution model; and “the Left,” a group still
relatively united in support of revolution and democracy. A critical figure in
the Assembly was Abbé Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès, who authored a pamphlet called “What
Is the Third Estate?” -
In August 1789, the National Constituent Assembly abolished
feudalism and published the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, but the financial crisis continued largely unaddressed and the deficit only
increased. -
In November, the Assembly suspended the old judicial system
and declared the property of the Church to be “at the disposal of the
nation.” In 1790, religious orders were dissolved and the Civil
Constitution of the Clergy, which turned the remaining clergy into employees of
the state, was passed. -
In the turmoil of the revolution, the Assembly members gathered
the various constitutional laws they had passed into a single constitution and
submitted it to recently restored Louis XVI, who accepted it. Under the
Constitution of 1791, France would function as a constitutional monarchy.
Key Terms
- What Is the Third Estate?
-
A political pamphlet written in January 1789, shortly before the outbreak of the French Revolution, by French thinker and clergyman Abbé Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès. The pamphlet was Sieyès’ response to finance minister Jacques Necker’s invitation for writers to state how they thought the Estates-General should be organized.
- Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen
-
A
fundamental document of the French Revolution and in the history of human and civil rights, passed by France’s National Constituent Assembly in August 1789. It was influenced by the doctrine of natural right, stating that the rights of man are held to be universal. It became the basis for a nation of free individuals protected equally by law. - Tennis Court Oath
-
An oath taken on June
20, 1789, by the members of the French Estates-General for the Third Estate, who
had begun to call themselves the National Assembly, vowing “not to
separate, and to reassemble wherever circumstances require, until the constitution
of the kingdom is established.” It was a pivotal event in the early days
of the French Revolution. - estates of the realm
-
The broad orders of
social hierarchy used in Christendom (Christian Europe) from the medieval
period to early modern Europe. Different systems for dividing society members
into estates evolved over time. The best-known system is the
French Ancien Régime (Old Regime), a three-estate system used until the French
Revolution (1789–1799). It was made up of clergy (the First Estate), nobility
(the Second Estate), and commoners (the Third Estate). - Estates-General
-
A general assembly
representing the French estates of the realm: the clergy (First Estate), the
nobles (Second Estate), and the common people (Third Estate).
From Estates General to National Assembly
The Estates-General, convened by Louis XVI to deal with France’s financial crisis,
assembled on May 5, 1789. Its members were elected to represent the estates of the realm: the First Estate (the clergy), the Second Estate (the nobility), and the Third Estate (the commoners) but the Third Estate had been granted “double representation” (twice as many delegates as each of the other estates).
However, the following day, the Third Estate discovered
that the royal decree granting double representation also upheld the
traditional voting by orders.
That meant that the nobles and
the clergy could together outvote the commoners by 2 to 1. If, on the other hand,
each delegate was to have one vote, the majority would prevail. As a result, double representation was meaningless in terms of power. The Third Estate refused to accept the imposed rules and proceeded to meet separately, calling themselves the Communes (“Commons”).
On June 17, with the failure of efforts to
reconcile the three estates,
the Third Estate declared themselves redefined as the
National Assembly, an assembly not of the estates but of the people. They
invited the other orders to join them, but made it clear that they intended to
conduct the nation’s affairs with or without them. The King tried to resist. On
June 20, he ordered to close the hall where the National Assembly met, but
the deliberations were moved to a nearby tennis court, where they
proceeded to swear the Tennis Court Oath by which they agreed not to separate
until they had settled the constitution of France. After Louis XVI’s failed attempts to sabotage the Assembly and keep the three estates
separate, the Estates-General ceased to exist, becoming the National
Assembly.
Drawing by Jacques-Louis David of the Tennis Court Oath.
The oath was both a revolutionary act and an assertion that political authority derived from the people and their representatives rather than from the monarch himself. Their solidarity forced Louis XVI to order the clergy and the nobility to join with the Third Estate in the National Assembly to give the illusion that he controlled the National Assembly. The Oath signified for the first time that French citizens formally stood in opposition to Louis XVI, and the National Assembly’s refusal to back down forced the king to make concessions.
National Constituent Assembly
The Assembly renamed itself the National Constituent Assembly on July 9
and began to function as a governing body and a constitution-drafter. Following the storming of the Bastille on July 14, the National Assembly (sometimes called the Constituent Assembly) became the effective government of France. The number of delegates increased significantly during the election period, but many deputies took their time arriving, some of them reaching Paris as late as 1791. The majority of the Second Estate had a military background and the Third Estate was dominated by men of legal professions. This suggests that while the Third Estate was referred to as the commoners, its delegates belonged largely to the bourgeoisie and not the most-oppressed lower classes.
The leading forces of the Assembly were the conservative foes of the revolution (later known as “The Right”); the Monarchiens (“Monarchists,” also called “Democratic Royalists”) allied with Jacques Necker and inclined toward arranging France along lines similar to the British constitution model; and “the Left” (also called “National Party”), a group still relatively united in support of revolution and democracy, representing mainly the interests of the middle classes but strongly sympathetic to the broader range of the common people.
A critical figure in the Assembly and eventually for the French Revolution was Abbé Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès, who for a time managed to bridge the differences between those who wanted a constitutional monarchy and those who wished to move in more democratic (or even republican) directions. In January 1789, Sieyès authored a pamphlet What Is the Third Estate?, a response to finance minister Jacques Necker’s invitation for writers to state how they thought the Estates-General should be organized. In it he argues that the Third Estate – the common people of France – constituted a complete nation within itself and had no need for the “dead weight” of the two other orders, the clergy and aristocracy. Sieyès stated that the people wanted genuine representatives in the Estates-General, equal representation to the other two orders taken together, and votes taken by heads and not by orders. These ideas had an immense influence on the course of the French Revolution.
Work of the Assembly
On August 4, 1789, the National Constituent Assembly abolished feudalism (action triggered by numerous peasant revolts), sweeping away both the seigneurial rights of the Second Estate and the tithes (a 10% tax for the Church) collected by the First Estate. During the course of a few hours, nobles, clergy, towns, provinces, companies, and cities lost their special privileges. Originally the peasants were supposed to pay for the release of seigneurial dues, but the majority refused to pay and in 1793 the obligation was cancelled.
On August 26, 1789, the Assembly published the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, which comprised a statement of principles rather than a constitution with legal effect.
Influenced by the doctrine of natural right, it stated that the rights of man were held to be universal, becoming the basis for a nation of free individuals protected equally by law. Simultaneously, the Assembly continued to draft a new constitution. Amid the Assembly’s preoccupation with constitutional affairs (many competing ideas were debated), the financial crisis continued largely unaddressed and the deficit only increased. The Assembly gave Necker complete financial dictatorship.
The old judicial system, based on the 13 regional parliaments, was suspended in November 1789 and officially abolished in September 1790.
In an attempt to address the financial crisis, the Assembly declared, on November 2, 1789, that the property of the Church was “at the disposal of the nation.” Thus the nation had now also taken on the responsibility of the Church, which included paying the clergy and caring for the poor, the sick, and the orphaned. In December, the Assembly began to sell the lands to the highest bidder to raise revenue. Monastic vows were abolished, and in February 1790 all religious orders were dissolved. Monks and nuns were encouraged to return to private life. The Civil Constitution of the Clergy, passed in July 1790, turned the remaining clergy into employees of the state.
In the turmoil of the revolution, the Assembly members gathered the various constitutional laws they had passed into a single constitution and submitted it to recently restored Louis XVI, who accepted it, writing “I engage to maintain it at home, to defend it from all attacks from abroad, and to cause its execution by all the means it places at my disposal.” The King addressed the Assembly and received enthusiastic applause from members and spectators. With this capstone, the National Constituent Assembly adjourned in a final session on September 30, 1791.
Under the Constitution of 1791, France would function as a constitutional monarchy.
22.3.3: The Storming of the Bastille
The medieval fortress, armory, and political prison in Paris known as the Bastille became a symbol of the abuse of the monarchy. Its fall on July 14, 1789 was the flashpoint of the French Revolution.
Learning Objective
Explain the swell of popular emotion that led to the storming of the Bastille
Key Points
-
During
the reign of Louis XVI, France faced a major economic crisis,
exacerbated by a regressive system of taxation. On May 5, 1789, the
Estates-General convened to deal with this issue, but were held back by archaic
protocols that disadvantaged the Third Estate (the commoners). On June 17,
1789, the Third Estate reconstituted themselves as the National Assembly, a
body whose purpose was the creation of a French constitution. -
Paris, close to insurrection, showed wide
support for the Assembly. The press published the Assembly’s debates while
political discussions spread into the public squares and halls of the capital.
The Palais-Royal and its grounds became the site of an ongoing meeting. The
crowd, on the authority of the meeting at the Palais-Royal, broke open the
prisons of the Abbaye to release some grenadiers of the French guards,
reportedly imprisoned for refusing to fire on the people. -
On July 11, 1789, with troops distributed across
the Paris area, Louis XVI dismissed and banished his finance minister,
Jacques Necker, who had been sympathetic to the Third Estate. News of Necker’s
dismissal reached Paris on July 12.
Crowds gathered throughout Paris, including more than ten thousand at the
Palais-Royal. -
Among
the troops under the royal authority, there were foreign mercenaries, most
notably Swiss and German regiments, that were seen as less likely to be
sympathetic to the popular cause than ordinary French soldiers. By early
July, approximately half of the 25,000 regular troops in Paris and Versailles
were drawn from these foreign regiments. -
On
the morning of July 14, 1789, the city of Paris was in a state of alarm. At
this point, the Bastille was nearly empty, housing only seven prisoners. Amid the tensions of July 1789, the building
remained as a symbol of royal tyranny. -
The
crowd gathered outside around mid-morning, calling for the surrender of the
prison, the removal of the cannon, and the release of the arms and gunpowder.
Following failed mediation efforts, gunfire began, apparently
spontaneously, turning the crowd into a mob. Governor de Launay opened the gates to the inner courtyard,
and the conquerors swept in to liberate the fortress at 5:30.
Key Terms
- National Assembly
-
A revolutionary assembly formed by the representatives of the Third Estate (the common people) of the Estates-General that existed from June 13 to July 9, 1789. After July 9, it was known as the National Constituent Assembly although popularly the shorter form persisted.
- Estates-General
-
A general assembly representing the
French estates of the realm: the clergy (First Estate), the nobles (Second
Estate), and the common people (Third Estate).
Storming of the Bastille: Background
During the reign of Louis XVI, France faced a major economic crisis, partially initiated by the cost of intervening in the American Revolution and exacerbated by a regressive system of taxation. On May 5, 1789, the Estates-General convened to deal with this issue, but were held back by archaic protocols that disadvantaged the Third Estate (the commoners). On June 17, 1789, the Third Estate reconstituted themselves as the National Assembly, a body whose purpose was the creation of a French constitution. The king initially opposed this development, but was forced to acknowledge the authority of the assembly, which subsequently renamed itself the National Constituent Assembly on July 9.
Paris, close to insurrection, showed wide support for the Assembly. The press published the Assembly’s debates while political discussions spread into the public squares and halls of the capital. The Palais-Royal and its grounds became the site of an ongoing meeting. The crowd, on the authority of the meeting at the Palais-Royal, broke open the prisons of the Abbaye to release some grenadiers of the French guards, reportedly imprisoned for refusing to fire on the people. The Assembly recommended the imprisoned guardsmen to the clemency of the king, They returned to prison and received pardon. The rank and file of the regiment now leaned toward the popular cause.
Social Unrest
On July 11, 1789, with troops distributed across the Paris area, Louis XVI, acting under the influence of the conservative nobles of his privy council, dismissed and banished his finance minister, Jacques Necker, who had been sympathetic to the Third Estate. News of Necker’s dismissal reached Paris on July 12. The Parisians generally presumed that the dismissal marked the start of a coup by conservative elements. Liberal Parisians were further enraged by the fear that royal troops would attempt to shut down the National Constituent Assembly, which was meeting in Versailles. Crowds gathered throughout Paris, including more than ten thousand at the Palais-Royal. Among the troops under the royal authority were foreign mercenaries, most notably Swiss and German regiments, that were seen as less likely to be sympathetic to the popular cause than ordinary French soldiers. By early July, approximately half of the 25,000 regular troops in Paris and Versailles were drawn from these foreign regiments.
During the public demonstrations that started on July 12, the multitude displayed busts of Necker and Louis Philippe II, Duke of Orléans (of the House of Bourbon, the ruling dynasty of France, who actively supported the French Revolution). The crowd clashed with royal troops and unrest grew. The people of Paris expressed their hostility against state authorities by attacking customs posts blamed for causing increased food and wine prices, and started to plunder any place where food, guns, and supplies could be hoarded. That night, rumors spread that supplies were being hoarded at Saint-Lazare, a huge property of the clergy, which functioned as convent, hospital, school, and even a jail. An angry crowd broke in and plundered the property, seizing 52 wagons of wheat which were taken to the public market. That same day, multitudes of people plundered many other places, including weapon arsenals. The royal troops did nothing to stop the spreading of social chaos in Paris during those days.
Storming of the Bastille
On the morning of July 14, 1789, the city of Paris was in a state of alarm. The partisans of the Third Estate in France, now under the control of the Bourgeois Militia of Paris (soon to become Revolutionary France’s National Guard), earlier stormed the Hôtel des Invalides without significant opposition with the intention of gathering weapons held there. The commandant at the Invalides had in the previous few days taken the precaution of transferring 250 barrels of gunpowder to the Bastille for safer storage.
At this point, the Bastille was nearly empty, housing only seven prisoners.
The cost of maintaining a garrisoned medieval fortress for so limited a purpose led to a decision, made shortly before the disturbances began, to replace it with an open public space.
Amid the tensions of July 1789, the building remained as a symbol of royal tyranny.
The crowd gathered outside around mid-morning, calling for the surrender of the prison, the removal of the cannon, and the release of the arms and gunpowder. Two representatives of the crowd outside were invited into the fortress and negotiations began. Another was admitted around noon with definite demands. The negotiations dragged on while the crowd grew and became impatient. Around 1:30 p.m., the crowd surged into the undefended outer courtyard. A small party climbed onto the roof of a building next to the gate to the inner courtyard and broke the chains on the drawbridge. Soldiers of the garrison called to the people to withdraw but in the noise and confusion these shouts were misinterpreted as encouragement to enter. Gunfire began, apparently spontaneously, turning the crowd into a mob.
“The Storming of the Bastille” by Jean-Pierre Houël, Bibliothèque Nationale de France.
A 2013 analysis of the Bastille dimensions showed that it did not tower over the neighborhood as was depicted in the paintings but was a comparable height.
The firing continued and a substantial force of Royal Army troops encamped on the Champs de Mars did not intervene. With the possibility of mutual carnage suddenly apparent, Governor de Launay ordered a cease-fire at 5 p.m.. A letter offering his terms was handed out to the besiegers through a gap in the inner gate. His demands were refused, but de Launay nonetheless capitulated as he realized that with limited food stocks and no water supply his troops could not hold out much longer. He accordingly opened the gates to the inner courtyard, and the conquerors swept in to liberate the fortress at 5:30 p.m.
The king first learned of the storming only the next morning through the Duke of La Rochefoucauld. “Is it a revolt?” asked Louis XVI. The duke replied: “No sire, it’s not a revolt; it’s a revolution.”
22.3.4: The Declaration of the Rights of Man
The Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, passed by France’s National Constituent Assembly in August 1789, is a fundamental document of the French Revolution that granted civil rights to some commoners, although it excluded a significant segment of the French population.
Learning Objective
Identify the main points in the Declaration of the Rights of Man
Key Points
-
The Declaration of the Rights of Man and of
the Citizen (1791) is a fundamental document of the French
Revolution and in the history of human and civil rights. The
inspiration and content of the document emerged largely from the ideals of the
American Revolution. The key drafts were prepared by General Lafayette, working
at times with his close friend Thomas Jefferson. - The concepts in the Declaration come from the tenets
of the Enlightenment, including individualism,
the social contract as theorized by Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and the separation of powers espoused by Montesquieu.
The spirit of secular natural law rests at the foundations of the Declaration. -
At
the time of writing, the rights contained in the declaration were only awarded
to men. Furthermore, the declaration was a statement of vision rather than
reality as it was not deeply rooted in the practice of the West or even
France at the time. It embodied ideals toward which France
pledged to aspire in the future. -
While the French Revolution provided rights to a
larger portion of the population, there remained a distinction between those
who obtained the political rights in the Declaration of the Rights of Man and
Citizen and those who did not. Those who were deemed to hold these rights were called active citizens, a designation granted to men who
were French, at least 25 years old, paid taxes equal to three days of work, and
could not be defined as servants. -
Tensions
arose between active and passive citizens throughout the Revolution and the
question of women’s rights emerged as particularly prominent. The Declaration
did not recognize women as active citizens. The absence of women’s rights prompted Olympe de
Gouges to publish the Declaration of the Rights of Woman and the Female Citizen
in September 1791. -
The
Declaration did not revoke the institution of slavery, as lobbied for by
Jacques-Pierre Brissot’s Les Amis des Noirs and defended by the group of
colonial planters called the Club Massiac. However, it played an important rhetorical role in the Haitian Revolution.
Key Terms
- social contract
-
A theory or model that originated during the Age of Enlightenment that typically addresses the questions of the origin of society and the legitimacy of the authority of the state over the individual. Its arguments typically posit that individuals have consented, either explicitly or tacitly, to surrender some of their freedoms and submit to the authority of the ruler or magistrate (or to the decision of a majority) in exchange for protection of their remaining rights. The question of the relation between natural and legal rights, therefore, is often an aspect of this theory. The term comes from a 1762 book by Jean-Jacques Rousseau which discussed this concept.
- separation of powers
-
A model for the governance of a state (or who controls the state) first developed in ancient Greece. Under this model, the state is divided into branches, each with separate and independent powers and areas of responsibility so that the powers of one branch are not in conflict with the powers associated with the other branches. The typical division of branches is legislative, executive, and judiciary.
- natural law
-
A philosophy that certain rights or values are inherent by virtue of human nature and can be universally understood through human reason. Historically, natural law refers to the use of reason to analyze both social and personal human nature to deduce binding rules of moral behavior. Although it is often conflated with common law, the two are distinct. Common law is not based on inherent rights, but is the legal tradition whereby certain rights or values are legally recognized by virtue of already having judicial recognition or articulation.
- March on Versailles
-
A march began during the French Revolution among women in the marketplaces of Paris who, on the morning of October 5, 1789, were near rioting over the high price and scarcity of bread. Their demonstrations quickly became intertwined with the activities of revolutionaries, who were seeking liberal political reforms and a constitutional monarchy for France. The market women and their various allies grew into a crowd of thousands. Encouraged by revolutionary agitators, they ransacked the city armory for weapons and marched to the Palace of Versailles.
- The Declaration of the Rights of Man and of
the Citizen -
A fundamental document of the
French Revolution and in the history of human and civil rights passed
by France’s National Constituent Assembly in August 1789. It was
influenced by the doctrine of natural right, stating that the rights of man are
held to be universal. It became the basis for a nation of free individuals
protected equally by law.
Intellectual Context
The Declaration of the Rights of Man and of
the Citizen (August 1791) is a fundamental document of the French
Revolution and in the history of human and civil rights. The
inspiration and content of the document emerged largely from the ideals of the
American Revolution. The key drafts were prepared by General Lafayette, working
at times with his close friend Thomas Jefferson, who drew heavily upon The Virginia Declaration
of Rights drafted in May 1776 by George Mason (which was based in part on the
English Bill of Rights 1689), as well as Jefferson’s own drafts for the
American Declaration of Independence. In August 1789, Honoré Mirabeau played a
central role in conceptualizing and drafting the Declaration of the Rights of
Man and of the Citizen.
The
Declaration emerged from the tenets of the Enlightenment, including individualism,
the social contract as theorized by Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and the separation of powers espoused by Montesquieu.
The spirit of secular natural law rests at the foundations of the Declaration.
Unlike traditional natural law theory, secular natural law does not draw from religious
doctrine or authority. The document defines a single set of individual and
collective rights for all men. Influenced by the doctrine of natural rights,
these rights are held to be universal and valid in all times and
places. Correspondingly, the role of government, carried on by elected
representatives, is to recognize and secure these rights.
Thomas
Jefferson — the primary author of the U.S. Declaration of Independence —was in France as a U.S. diplomat and worked closely with Lafayette on designing
a bill of rights for France. In the ratification by the states of the U.S.
Constitution in 1788, critics demanded a written Bill of Rights.
In response, James Madison’s proposal for a U.S. Bill of Rights was
introduced in New York in June 1789, 11 weeks before the French declaration.
Considering the 6 to 8 weeks it took news to cross the Atlantic, it is possible
that the French knew of the American text, which emerged
from the same shared intellectual heritage. The same people took part in
shaping both documents: Lafayette admired Jefferson, and Jefferson, in turn,
found Lafayette an important political and intellectual partner.
Natural
Rights
At
the time of writing, the rights contained in the declaration were only awarded
to men. Furthermore, the declaration was a statement of vision rather than
reality as it was not deeply rooted in the practice of the West or even
France at the time. It embodied ideals toward which France
aspired to struggle in the future.
In
the second article, “the natural and imprescriptible rights of man”
are defined as “liberty, property, security and resistance to oppression.”
It demanded the destruction of aristocratic privileges by proclaiming an end to
feudalism and exemptions from taxation. It also called for freedom and equal
rights for all human beings (referred to as “Men”) and access to
public office based on talent. The monarchy was restricted and all citizens
had the right to take part in the legislative process. Freedom of
speech and press were declared and arbitrary arrests outlawed. The Declaration
also asserted the principles of popular sovereignty, in contrast to the divine
right of kings that characterized the French monarchy, and social equality
among citizens, eliminating the special rights of the nobility and clergy.
The Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen of 1789 by Jean-Jacques-François Le Barbier.
The Declaration is included in the preamble of the constitutions of both the Fourth French Republic (1946) and Fifth Republic (1958) and is still current. Inspired by the American Revolution and also by the Enlightenment philosophers, the Declaration was a core statement of the values of the French Revolution and had a major impact on the development of freedom and democracy in Europe and worldwide.
Limitations
While
the French Revolution provided rights to a larger portion of the population,
there remained a distinction between those who obtained the political rights in
the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen and those who did not. Those
who were deemed to hold these political rights were called active citizens, a designation granted to men who were French, at least 25 years old,
paid taxes equal to three days of work, and could not be defined as servants. This
meant that at the time of the Declaration only male property owners held these
rights. The category of passive citizens was created to encompass those
populations that the Declaration excluded from political rights. In the end,
the vote was granted to approximately 4.3 out of 29 million Frenchmen. Women,
slaves, youth, and foreigners were excluded.
Tensions
arose between active and passive citizens throughout the Revolution and the
question of women’s rights emerged as particularly prominent. The Declaration
did not recognize women as active citizens despite the fact that after the
March on Versailles on October 5, 1789, women
presented the Women’s Petition to the National Assembly, in which they proposed
a decree giving women equal rights. In 1790, Nicolas de Condorcet and Etta Palm
d’Aelders unsuccessfully called on the National Assembly to extend civil and
political rights to women. The absence of women’s rights prompted Olympe de
Gouges to publish the Declaration of the Rights of Woman and the Female Citizen
in September 1791. Modeled on the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the
Citizen, it exposes the failure of the French Revolution, which had been devoted
to equality.
The Declaration did not revoke the institution of slavery, as lobbied for by Jacques-Pierre Brissot’s Les Amis des Noirs and defended by the group of colonial planters called the Club Massiac. Thousands of slaves in Saint-Domingue, the most profitable slave colony in the world, engaged in uprisings (with critical attempts beginning also in August 1791) that would be known as the first successful slave revolt in the New World. Slavery in the French colonies was abolished by the Convention dominated by the Jacobins in 1794. However, Napoleon reinstated it in 1802. In 1804, the colony of Saint-Domingue became an independent state, the Republic of Haiti.
Legacy
The Declaration, together with the American Declaration of
Independence, Constitution, and Bill of Rights, inspired in large part the 1948
United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It has also influenced
and inspired rights-based liberal democracy throughout the world. It was
translated as soon as 1793–1794 by Colombian Antonio Nariño, who published it
despite the Inquisition and was sentenced to be imprisoned for ten years for
doing so. In 2003, the document was listed on UNESCO’s Memory of the World
register.
22.3.5: The March on Versailles
Concerned over the high price and scarcity of bread, women from the marketplaces of Paris led the March on Versailles
on October 5, 1789. This became one of the most significant events of the French Revolution, eventually forcing the royals to return to Paris.
Learning Objective
Describe the March on Versailles
Key Points
- The Women’s March on Versailles was one of the earliest and most significant events of the French Revolution. On the morning of October 5, 1789, women were near rioting in the Paris marketplace over the high price and scarcity of bread. Their demonstrations quickly became intertwined with the activities of revolutionaries, who were seeking liberal political reforms and a constitutional monarchy for France.
- At the end of the Ancien Régime, the fear of famine became an ever-present dread for the lower strata of the Third Estate. Rumors swirled that foods, especially grain, were purposely withheld from the poor for the benefit of the privileged. While the march turned into a more general revolutionary upsurge, this fear remained at its roots.
- Despite its post-revolutionary mythology, the march was not a spontaneous event. Speakers at the Palais-Royal mentioned it regularly, but the final trigger was a royal banquet on October 1 at which the officers at Versailles welcomed the officers of new troops, a customary practice when a unit changed its garrison. The lavish banquet was reported in newspapers as nothing short of a gluttonous orgy, which outraged the commoners.
- On the morning of October 5, a young woman struck a marching drum at the edge of a group of market women who were infuriated by the chronic shortage and high price of bread. As more and more women and men arrived, the crowd grew to more than 7,000 individuals. One of the men was Stanislas-Marie Maillard, a prominent conqueror of the Bastille who by unofficial acclamation was given a leadership role.
- Although the fighting ceased quickly and the royal troops had cleared the palace attacked by the revolutionaries, the crowd was still everywhere outside. Lafayette convinced the king and later the queen to address the crowd, which calmed the participants of the march. However, the revolutionaries forced the royals to return to Paris.
- As a result of the march, the monarchist faction in the Assembly effectively lost its significance, Robespierre raised his public profile considerably, Lafayette found himself tied too closely to the king; Maillard returned to Paris with his status as a local hero made permanent. For the women of Paris, the march became the climax of revolutionary hagiography. The royals were effectively trapped in Paris.
Key Terms
- Pacte de Famine
-
A conspiracy theory adopted by many in France during the 18th century. The theory held that foods, especially grain, were purposely withheld for the benefit of privileged interest groups. During this period, French citizens obtained much of their nourishment from grain.
- flight
to Varennes -
An attempted escape from Paris during the night of June 20-21, 1791 by King Louis XVI of France, his queen Marie Antoinette, and their immediate family
in order to initiate a counter-revolution at the head of loyal troops under royalist officers concentrated at Montmédy near the frontier. - Great Fear
-
A general panic that took place between July 17 and August 3, 1789, at the start of the French Revolution. Rural unrest had been present in France since the worsening grain shortage of the spring. Fueled by rumors of an aristocratic “famine plot” to starve or burn out the population, both peasants and townspeople mobilized in many regions.
- March on Versailles
-
Taking place on October 5, 1789, one of the earliest and most significant events of the French Revolution. Women in the marketplaces of Paris were near rioting over the high price and scarcity of bread. Their demonstrations quickly became intertwined with the activities of revolutionaries, who were seeking liberal political reforms and a constitutional monarchy for France.
- National Assembly
-
A revolutionary assembly that existed from June 13 to July 9, 1789, and was formed by the representatives of the Third Estate (the common people) of the Estates-General.
March on Versailles:
Background
The Women’s March on Versailles,
also known as The October March, The October Days, or simply The March on
Versailles, was one of the earliest and most significant events of the French
Revolution. On the morning of October 5, 1789, women in the marketplaces of Paris were near rioting over the high price and
scarcity of bread. Their demonstrations quickly became intertwined with the
activities of revolutionaries seeking liberal political reforms and a
constitutional monarchy for France.
At
the end of the Ancien Régime, the fear of famine became an
ever-present dread for the lower strata of the Third Estate. Rampant rumors of a conspiracy theory held
that foods, especially grain, were purposely withheld from the poor for the
benefit of the privileged (the Pacte de Famine). Stories of a plot to destroy wheat
crops in order to starve the population provoked the so-called Great Fear in the
summer of 1789.
Despite
its post-revolutionary mythology, the march was not a spontaneous
event. Speakers at the Palais-Royal mentioned it regularly and the idea of
a march on Versailles had been widespread. The final trigger came from a royal
banquet held on October 1 at which the officers at Versailles welcomed the officers
of new troops, a customary practice when a unit changed its garrison. The royal
family briefly attended the affair. The lavish banquet was reported in
newspapers as nothing short of a gluttonous orgy. Worst of all, the papers dwelt scornfully on the reputed desecration of the tricolor cockade; drunken officers
were said to have stamped upon this symbol of the nation and professed their
allegiance solely to the white cockade of the House of Bourbon. This embellished
tale of the royal banquet became the source of intense public outrage.
The Day of the March
On
the morning of October 5, a young woman struck a marching drum at the edge of a
group of market women who were infuriated by the chronic shortage and high
price of bread. From their starting point in the markets of the eastern section
of Paris, the angry women forced a nearby church to toll its bells. More women
from other nearby marketplaces joined in, many bearing kitchen blades and other
makeshift weapons. As more women and men arrived, the crowd
outside the city hall reached between 6,000 and 7,0000 and perhaps as
high as 10,000. One of the men was Stanislas-Marie Maillard, a
prominent conqueror of the
Bastille, who by unofficial acclamation was given a leadership role.
When
the crowd finally reached Versailles, members of the National Assembly greeted the
marchers and invited Maillard into their hall. As he spoke, the restless
Parisians came pouring into the Assembly and sank exhausted on the deputies’
benches. Hungry, fatigued, and bedraggled from the rain, they seemed to confirm
that the siege was mostly a demand for food. With few other options available, the President of the
Assembly, Jean Joseph Mounier, accompanied a deputation of market-women into the
palace to see the king. A group of six women were escorted into the
king’s apartment, where they told him of the crowd’s privations. The king
responded sympathetically and after this brief but pleasant meeting,
arrangements were made to disburse some food from the royal stores with more
promised. Some in the crowd felt that their goals had been
satisfactorily met.
However,
at about 6 a.m., some
of the protesters discovered a small gate to the palace was unguarded. Making
their way inside, they searched for the queen’s bedchamber. The royal guards
fired their guns at the intruders, killing a young member of the crowd.
Infuriated, the rest surged towards the breach and streamed inside.
Although
the fighting ceased quickly and the royal troops cleared the palace, the crowd
was still everywhere outside. Lafayette (commander-in-chief of the National
Guard), who had earned the court’s indebtedness, convinced the king to address
the crowd. When the two men stepped out on a balcony an unexpected cry went up:
“Vive le Roi!” The relieved king briefly conveyed his
willingness to return to Paris. After the king withdrew, the exultant crowd
would not be denied the same accord from the queen and her presence was
demanded loudly. Lafayette brought her to the same balcony, accompanied by her
young son and daughter. However pleased it may have been by the royal
displays, the crowd insisted that the king come back with them to Paris. At
about 1 p.m. on October 6, the vast throng escorted the
royal family and a complement of 100 deputies back to the capital, this
time with the armed National Guards leading the way.
An illustration of the Women’s March on Versailles, October 5, 1789, author unknown.
The march symbolized a new balance of power that displaced the ancient privileged orders of the French nobility and favored the nation’s common people, collectively termed the Third Estate. Bringing together people representing sources of the Revolution in their largest numbers yet, the march on Versailles proved to be a defining moment of that Revolution.
Consequences of the March
The
rest of the National Constituent Assembly followed the king within two weeks to
new quarters in Paris, excepting 56 pro-monarchy deputies. Thus, the march effectively deprived the monarchist faction of
significant representation in the Assembly as most of these deputies
retreated from the political scene. Conversely, Robespierre’s impassioned
defense of the march raised his public profile considerably. Lafayette, though
initially acclaimed, found he had tied himself too closely to the king. As
the Revolution progressed, he was hounded into exile by the radical leadership.
Maillard returned to Paris with his status as a local hero made
permanent. For the women of Paris, the march became the source of
apotheosis in revolutionary hagiography. The “Mothers of the Nation”
were highly celebrated upon their return and would be praised and
solicited by successive Parisian governments for years to come.
Louis
attempted to work within the framework of his limited powers after the women’s
march but won little support, and he and the royal family remained virtual
prisoners in the Tuileries. Desperate, he made his abortive flight
to Varennes in
June 1791. Attempting to escape and join with royalist armies, the king was
once again captured by a mixture of citizens and national guardsmen who hauled
him back to Paris.
22.4: Constitutional Monarchy
22.4.1: The Constitution of 1791
The Constitution of 1791, the first written constitution of France, turned the country into a constitutional monarchy following the collapse of the absolute monarchy of the Ancien Régime.
Learning Objective
Deconstruct the government established by the Constitution of 1791
Key Points
-
One of the stated goals of the National Assembly
formed by the Third Estate on June 13, 1789, was to write a constitution. A
twelve-member Constitutional Committee was convened on July 14, 1789, to
draft most of the articles of the constitution.
Many proposals for redefining the French state
were floated. -
The main early controversies surrounded the
level of power to be granted to the king of France and the form the legislature would take. Another critical question was whether every subject of the French Crown would be given equal rights as the Declaration of
Rights of Man and Citizen theoretically promised. -
A
second body, the Committee of Revisions, was created in September 1790. Because
the National Assembly was both a legislature and a constitutional convention, this committee was formed to sort out whether its decrees were constitutional articles or mere
statutes. The
committee became very important in the days after the Champs de Mars Massacre, when one of its members used his position to preserve a
number of powers of the Crown. -
A new
constitution was reluctantly accepted by Louis XVI in September 1791.
It abolished many institutions defined as
“injurious to liberty and equality of rights.”
The National Assembly was the legislative body, the king and royal ministers
made up the executive branch, and the judiciary was independent of the other
two branches. On a local level, previous feudal geographic divisions were
formally abolished and the territory of the French state was divided into
several administrative units with the principle of
centralism. The king was allowed a suspensive veto to balance out the interests of the
people. - The constitution was not egalitarian by today’s
standards. It distinguished between the active citizens (male property
owners of certain age) and the passive citizens. All women were deprived of
rights and liberties, including the right to education and freedom to speak,
write, print, and worship. - Following the onset of French Revolutionary Wars and the August
10 Insurrection, a National Convention declared France a republic on September 22, 1792,
which meant that France needed a new constitution a year after agreeing on the 1791 Constitution.
Key Terms
- National Assembly
-
A revolutionary assembly formed by
the representatives of the Third Estate (the common people) of the
Estates-General that existed from June 13 to July 9, 1789. After July 9, it was
known as the National Constituent Assembly although popularly the shorter
form persisted. - French Revolutionary Wars
-
A series of sweeping military conflicts from 1792 until 1802, resulting from the French Revolution. They pitted the French First Republic against Britain, Austria and several other monarchies. They are divided into two periods: the War of the First Coalition (1792–1797) and the War of the Second Coalition (1798–1802). Initially confined to Europe, the fighting gradually assumed a global dimension as the political ambitions of the Revolution expanded.
- August 10 Insurrection
-
One of the defining events in the history of the French Revolution, the storming of the Tuileries Palace by the National Guard of the insurrectional Paris Commune and revolutionary fédérés from Marseilles and Brittany resulted in the fall of the French monarchy. King Louis XVI and the royal family took shelter with the Legislative Assembly, which was suspended. The formal end of the monarchy that occurred six weeks later was one of the first acts of the new National Convention.
- Champs de Mars Massacre
-
A massacre that took place on July 17, 1791, in Paris in the midst of the French Revolution. Two days before, the National Constituent Assembly issued a decree that Louis XVI would remain king under a constitutional monarchy. This decision came after Louis XVI and his family unsuccessfully tried to flee France in the Flight to Varennes the month before. Later that day, leaders of the republicans in France rallied against this decision, eventually leading royalist Lafayette to order the massacre.
- Paris Commune
-
During the French Revolution, the government of Paris from 1789 until 1795. Established in the Hôtel de Ville just after the storming of the Bastille, it consisted of 144 delegates elected by the 48 divisions of the city. It became insurrectionary in the summer of 1792, essentially refusing to take orders from the central French government. It took charge of routine civic functions but is best known for mobilizing extreme views. It lost much of its power in 1794 and was replaced in 1795.
- Feuillants
-
A political group that emerged during the French Revolution and consisted of monarchists and reactionaries who sat on the right of the Legislative Assembly of 1791. It came into existence when the left-wing Jacobins split between moderates who sought to preserve the position of the king and supported the proposed plan of the National Assembly for a constitutional monarchy and radicals (Jacobins) who wished to press for a continuation of direct democratic action to overthrow Louis XVI.
- March on Versaille
-
A march that started on the morning of October 5, 1789, among women in the marketplaces of Paris who were near rioting over the high price and scarcity of bread.
Their demonstrations quickly became intertwined with the activities of
revolutionaries, who were seeking liberal political reforms and a
constitutional monarchy for France. The market women and their various
allies grew into a crowd of thousands. Encouraged by revolutionary agitators,
they ransacked the city armory for weapons and marched to the Palace of
Versailles. - Declaration of Rights of Man and Citizen
-
A fundamental document of the
French Revolution and in the history of human and civil rights passed
by France’s National Constituent Assembly in August 1789. It was
influenced by the doctrine of natural right, stating that the rights of man are
held to be universal. It became the basis for a nation of free individuals
protected equally by law.
Constitution of 1791: Drafting Process
One of the stated goals of the National Assembly formed by the Third Estate on June 13, 1789, was to write a constitution. A 12-member Constitutional Committee was convened on July 14, 1789 (coincidentally the day of the Storming of the Bastille) to draft most of the articles of the constitution. It originally included two members from the First Estate, two from the Second, and four from the Third. Many proposals for redefining the French state were floated, particularly in the days after the remarkable sessions of August 4 and 5 when feudalism was abolished. For instance, the Marquis de Lafayette proposed a combination of the American and British systems, a bicameral parliament with the king having the suspensive veto power over the legislature modeled on the authority then recently vested in the President of the United States.
The main early controversies surrounded the level of power that should be granted to the king of France and the form the legislature would take (i.e.: unicameral or bicameral). The Constitutional Committee proposed a bicameral legislature, but the motion was defeated in favor of one house. They also proposed an absolute veto, but were again defeated in favor of a suspensive veto, which could be overridden by three consecutive legislatures.
A second Constitutional Committee quickly replaced the first one. It included three members from the original group as well as five new members, all of the Third Estate. The greatest controversy faced by the new committee surrounded citizenship. The critical question was whether every subject of the French Crown would be given equal rights, or would there be some restrictions? The March on Versailles (October 5-6), led by women from marketplaces around Paris, rendered the question even more complicated. In the end, a distinction between active citizens who held political rights (males over the age of 25 who paid direct taxes equal to three days’ labor) and passive citizens, who had only civil rights, was drawn. Some radical deputies, such as Maximilien Robespierre, could not accept the distinction.
A second body, the Committee of Revisions, was created in September 1790. Because the National Assembly was both a legislature and a constitutional convention, the Committee of Revisions was required to sort out whether its decrees were constitutional articles or mere statutes. It was the task of the Committee of Revisions to sort it out. The committee became very important in the days after the Champs de Mars Massacre (July 17, 1791), when a wave of opposition against popular movements swept France and resulted in a renewed effort to preserve powers of the Crown. The result was the rise of the Feuillants, a new political faction led by Antoine Barnave, one of the Committee’s members who used his position to preserve a number of powers of the Crown, including the nomination of ambassadors, military leaders, and ministers.
Acceptance and Administration
After very long negotiations, a new constitution was reluctantly accepted by Louis XVI in September 1791. Redefining the organization of the French government, citizenship, and the limits to the powers of government, the National Assembly set out to represent the interests of the public. It abolished many institutions defined as “injurious to liberty and equality of rights.” The National Assembly asserted its legal presence as part of the French government by establishing its permanence in the Constitution and forming a system of recurring elections. The National Assembly was the legislative body, the king and royal ministers made up the executive branch, and the judiciary was independent of the other two branches. On a local level, previous feudal geographic divisions were formally abolished and the territory of the French state was divided into several administrative units (Départements), but with the principle of centralism.
As framers of the constitution, the Assembly was concerned that if only representatives governed France, they were likely to be motivated by their own self-interests. Therefore, the king was allowed a suspensive veto to balance out the interests of the people. By the same token, representative democracy weakened the king’s executive authority. However, the constitution was not egalitarian by today’s standards. It distinguished between the active citizens (male property owners of certain age) and the passive citizens. All women were deprived of rights and liberties, including the right to education, freedom to speak, write, print, and worship.
The first page of the French Constitution of 1791, Archives Nationales.
The short-lived French Constitution of 1791 was the first written constitution in France, created after the collapse of the absolute monarchy of the Ancien Régime. One of the basic precepts of the revolution was adopting constitutionality and establishing popular sovereignty.
Effectiveness
With the onset of French Revolutionary Wars and the involvement of foreign powers in the conflict, radical Jacobin and ultimately republican conceptions grew enormously in popularity, increasing the influence of Robespierre, Danton, Marat and the Paris Commune. When the King used his veto powers to protect non-juring priests and refused to raise militias in defense of the revolutionary government, the constitutional monarchy proved unacceptable to radical revolutionaries and was effectively ended by the August 10 Insurrection. A National Convention was called, electing Robespierre as its first deputy. It was the first assembly in France elected by universal male suffrage. The convention declared France a republic on September 22, 1792, which meant that France needed a new constitution.
22.4.2: Politics within the Revolutionaries
Over the course of the Revolution, the original revolutionary movement known as the Jacobins split into more and less radical factions, the most important of which were the Feuillants (moderate; pro-royal),
the Montagnards (radical) and the Girondins (moderate; pro-republic).
Learning Objective
Distinguish between the different blocs within the new government
Key Points
-
The Legislative Assembly consisted of 745 members, mostly from the middle class. The rightists
within the assembly consisted of about 260 Feuillants, who were staunch
constitutional monarchists firm in their defense of the King against the
popular agitation. The leftists were about 136 Jacobins and Cordeliers.
They
favored the idea to spread the new ideals of liberty and equality and to put the king’s
loyalty to the test. The remainder of the House, 345 deputies, belonged to no definite party. They were
committed to the ideals of the Revolution and thus inclined to side
with the left but would also occasionally back proposals from the right. -
The Feuillants came into
existence when the Jacobins split between moderates, who sought to
preserve the position of the king and supported the proposed plan of the
National Assembly for a constitutional monarchy, and radicals (Jacobins). Labelled by their opponents as royalists, they were targeted after
the fall of the monarchy. -
The National
Convention was a single-chamber assembly in France from September 20, 1792, to October 26, 1795, that succeeded the Legislative Assembly. It fractured into even more extreme factions than its predecessor. A result of the increasing divide within
the Jacobins was the split between the more radical Montagnards and the
Girondins. -
The
Jacobin Club was distinguished by its left-wing revolutionary politics.
They were thus closely allied to the sans-culottes, a
popular force of working-class Parisians that played a pivotal role in the
development of the revolution. The Jacobins were dubbed “the Mountain” (French: la montagne) for
their seats in the uppermost part of the chamber and aimed for a more repressive form of government. - The two most significant factors in the consequential split between the
Montagnards and the Girondins were the September Massacres and the trial of
Louis XVI, both in 1792. -
The
terms “left” and “right” used to refer to political parties
is one of the lasting legacies of the French Revolution. Members of the National Assembly divided into supporters of the
king to the president’s right and supporters of the revolution to his left.
Key Terms
- Feuillants
-
A political group that emerged
during the French Revolution and consisted of monarchists and reactionaries who
sat on the right of the Legislative Assembly of 1791. It came into existence
when the left-wing Jacobins split between moderates, who sought to
preserve the position of the king and supported the proposed plan of the
National Assembly for a constitutional monarchy, and radicals (Jacobins),
who wished to press for a continuation of direct democratic action to overthrow
Louis XVI. - Jacobins
-
Members of a revolutionary
political movement that was the most famous political club during the French
Revolution, distinguished by its left-wing, revolutionary politics. Unlike other sects like the Girondins, they were closely allied to the sans-culottes,
a popular force of working-class Parisians that played a pivotal role
in the development of the revolution. They had a significant presence in the
National Convention and were dubbed “the Mountain” for their seats in the
uppermost part of the chamber. - National Convention
-
A single-chamber assembly in France from September 20, 1792, to October 26, 1795, during the French Revolution. It succeeded the Legislative Assembly and founded the First Republic after the insurrection of August 10, 1792. It was the first French assembly elected by universal male suffrage, without distinctions of class.
- Girondins
-
A political group operating in France from 1791 to 1795 during the French Revolution, active within the Legislative Assembly and the National Convention. They emerged from the Jacobin movement and campaigned for the end of the monarchy, but resisted the spiraling momentum of the Revolution. They came into conflict with The Mountain (Montagnards), a radical faction within the Jacobin Club.
- sans-culottes
-
The common people of the lower classes in late 18th century France, a great many of whom became radical and militant partisans of the French Revolution in response to their poor quality of life under the Ancien Régime.
- Montagnards
-
A political group during the French Revolution who sat on the highest benches in the Assembly. They were the most radical group and opposed the Girondists. The term, first used during a session of the Legislative Assembly, came into general use in 1793. Led by Maximilien Robespierre, they unleashed the Reign of Terror in 1794.
- Legislative Assembly
-
The legislature of France from October 1, 1791, to September 20, 1792, during the years of the French Revolution. It provided the focus of political debate and revolutionary law-making between the periods of the National Constituent Assembly and National Convention.
Factions at the Legislative Assembly
The National Constituent Assembly dissolved itself on September 30, 1791. Upon Robespierre’s motion, it decreed that none of its members would be eligible to the next legislature. Its successor body, the Legislative Assembly operating under the Constitution of 1791, lasted until September 20, 1792.
The Legislative Assembly first met on October 1, 1791, and consisted of 745 members, mostly from the middle class. The members were generally young, and since none had sat in the previous Assembly, they largely lacked national political experience. They tended to be people with successful careers in local politics.
The rightists within the assembly consisted of about 260 Feuillants, whose chief leaders, Gilbert du Motier de La Fayette and Antoine Barnave, remained outside the House because of their ineligibility for re-election. They were staunch constitutional monarchists, firm in their defense of the King against the popular agitation. The leftists were of 136 Jacobins (still including the party later known as the Girondins or Girondists) and Cordeliers (a populist group, whose many members would later become the radical Montagnards).
The left drew its inspiration from the more radical tendency of the Enlightenment, regarded the émigré nobles as traitors, and espoused anticlericalism. They were suspicious of Louis XVI, some favoring a general European war, both to spread the new ideals of liberty and equality and to put the king’s loyalty to the test.
The remainder of the House, 345 deputies, belonged to no definite party. They were called “the Marsh” (Le Marais) or “the Plain” (La Plaine). They were committed to the ideals of the Revolution, generally inclined to side with the left but would also occasionally back proposals from the right. Some historians dispute these numbers and estimate that the Legislative Assembly consisted of about 165 Feuillants (the right), about 330 Jacobins (including Girondins; the left), and about 350 deputies, who did not belong to any definite party but voted most often with the left. The differences emerge from how historians approach data in primary sources, where numbers reported by the clubs do not overlap with analyses of club membership conducted independently by name.
The Jacobins in 1791, author unknown
The Jacobins were known for creating a strong government that could deal with the needs of war, economic chaos, and internal rebellion. They supported the rights of property and favored free trade and a liberal economy much like the Girondins, but their relationship to the people made them more willing to adapt interventionist economic policies.
The Feuillants came into existence when the Jacobins split between moderates (Feuillants), who sought to preserve the position of the king and supported the proposed plan of the National Assembly for a constitutional monarchy, and radicals (Jacobins), who wished to press for a continuation of direct democratic action to overthrow Louis XVI.
Labelled by their opponents as royalists, they were targeted after the fall of the monarchy. In August 1792, a list of 841 members was published and all were arrested and tried for treason. The name survived for a few months as an insulting label for moderates, royalists, and aristocrats.
Factions at the National Convention
The National Convention was a single-chamber assembly in France from September 20, 1792, to October 26, 1795, succeeding the Legislative Assembly. It was fractured into factions even more extreme than those of the Legislative Assembly. The Jacobin Club,
gathering members with republican beliefs and aspiring to establish a French democratic republic, experienced political tensions beginning in 1791 .There were conflicting viewpoints in response to several revolutionary events and how to best achieve a democratic republic. A result of the increasing divide within the Jacobins was the split between the more radical Montagnards and the Girondins.
The Jacobin Club was one of several organizations that grew out of the French Revolution, distinguished by its left-wing, revolutionary politics. Because of this, the Jacobins, unlike other sects like the Girondins, were closely allied to the sans-culottes, a popular force of working-class Parisians that played a pivotal role in the development of the revolution. The Jacobins had a significant presence in the National Convention and were dubbed “the Mountain” (French: la montagne)
for their seats in the uppermost part of the chamber. In addition to siding with
sans-culottes, the Montagnards aimed for a more repressive form of government that would institute a price maximum on essential consumer goods and punish all traitors and enemies of the Republic. The Montagnards also believed war and other political differences required emergency solutions. They had 302 members in 1793 and 1794, including committee members and deputies who voted with the faction. Most members of the club came from the middle class and tended to represent the Parisian population. Its leaders included Maximilien Robespierre, Jean-Paul Marat, and Georges Danton. This faction eventually gained overwhelming power in the Convention and governed France during the Reign of Terror.
Possibly the two most significant factors in the consequential split between the Montagnards and the Girondins were the September Massacres and the trial of Louis XVI, both in 1792. The official fall of the monarchy came on August 10, 1792, after Louis XVI refused to rescind his veto of the National Assembly’s constitution. The Montagnards argued for immediate execution of the king by military court-martial, insisting that he was undermining the Revolution. Because a trial would require the “presumption of innocence,” such a proceeding would contradict the mission of the National Convention. The Girondins, in contrast, agreed that the king was guilty of treason but argued for his clemency and favored the option of exile or popular referendum as his sentence. However, the trial progressed and Louis XVI was executed by guillotine in January 1793.
The second key factor in the split between the Montagnards and the Girondins was the September Massacres of 1792. Radical Parisians and members of the National Guard were angry with the poor progress in the war against Austria and Prussia and the forced enlistment of 30,000 volunteers. On August 10, radicals went on a killing spree, slaughtering roughly 1,300 inmates in various Paris prisons, many of whom were simply common criminals, not the treasonous counter-revolutionaries condemned by the Montagnards. The Girondins did not tolerate the massacres, but neither the Montagnards of the Legislative Assembly nor the Paris Commune took any action to stop or condemn the killings. Members of the Girondins later accused Marat, Robespierre, and Danton of inciting the massacres to further their dictatorial power.
The conflict between the Montagnards and the Girondins eventually led to the fall of the Girondins and their mass execution.
The Girondins in the La Force Prison after their arrest. Woodcut from 1845.
The Girondins campaigned for the end of the monarchy but then resisted the spiraling momentum of the Revolution. They came into conflict with The Mountain (Montagnards), a radical faction within the Jacobin Club. The Girondins comprised a group of loosely affiliated individuals rather than an organized political party.
Left v. Right
The terms “left” and “right” to refer to political parties is one of the lasting legacies of the French Revolution. Members of the National Assembly divided into supporters of the king to the president’s right and supporters of the revolution to his left. One deputy, the Baron de Gauville, explained, “We began to recognize each other: those who were loyal to religion and the king took up positions to the right of the chair so as to avoid the shouts, oaths, and indecencies that enjoyed free rein in the opposing camp.” However, the right opposed the seating arrangement because they believed that deputies should support private or general interests but not form factions or political parties. The contemporary press occasionally used the terms “left” and “right” to refer to the opposing sides.
When the National Assembly was replaced in 1791 by the Legislative Assembly comprising entirely new members, the divisions continued. “Innovators” sat on the left, “moderates” gathered in the center, and the “conscientious defenders of the constitution” found themselves sitting on the right, where the defenders of the Ancien Régime had previously gathered. When the succeeding National Convention met in 1792, the seating arrangement continued, but following the arrest of the Girondins, the right side of the assembly was deserted, and any remaining members who had sat there moved to the center.
22.4.3: Foreign Intervention
Several Europeans monarchies, notably Austria, Prussia, and Great Britain, engaged in military conflicts with revolutionary France to take advantage of the political chaos and stop the spread of the revolutionary, anti-royal spirit across the globe.
Learning Objective
State the reasons why other European states got involved in France’s political turmoil
Key Points
-
During the French Revolution, European
monarchs watched the developments in France and considered whether they
should intervene in support of Louis XVI or to take advantage of the
chaos in France. The Holy Roman Emperor Leopold II, brother to
the French Queen Marie Antoinette, initially looked on the Revolution
calmly, but he and other European monarchs soon feared that the revolutionary spirit might expand across the continent and in colonies. -
In August 1791, Leopold and King Frederick
William II of Prussia, in consultation with emigrant French nobles, issued the
Declaration of Pillnitz, which declared the interest of the monarchs of Europe
in the well-being of Louis and his family and threatened vague but severe
consequences if anything should befall them. - Many in France wanted to wage war, including the
King, many of the Feuillants, and the Girondins, although for very different reasons. The forces opposing war were much weaker. The Austrian emperor Leopold II,
brother of Marie Antoinette, wished to avoid war but died in March
1792. France preemptively declared war on Austria
(April 20, 1792) and Prussia joined on the Austrian side a few weeks
later. -
What followed was a series of sweeping military
conflicts lasting from 1792 until 1802 that would become known as the French
Revolutionary Wars. They pitted the French First Republic against several
monarchies, most notably Britain and Austria, and are divided in two periods:
the War of the First Coalition (1792–1797) and the War of the Second Coalition
(1798–1802). -
In July 1792, Charles William Ferdinand, Duke
of Brunswick, commander of the mostly Prussian army, issued a proclamation called the
Brunswick Manifestol Written by the French king’s cousin,
Louis Joseph de Bourbon, Prince de Condé, the leader of an émigré corps within
the Allied army, it declared the Allies’ intent to restore the king to his
full powers and to treat any person or town who opposed them as rebels to be
condemned to death by martial law. - The Revolutionary Wars ended with great success for France and revealed the talent of a new military leader, Napoleon Bonaparte. After
a decade of constant warfare and aggressive diplomacy, France had succeeded in
seizing and conquering a wide array of territories, from the Italian Peninsula
and the Low Countries in Europe to the Louisiana Territory in North America.
French success in these conflicts ensured the spread of revolutionary
principles over much of Europe.
Key Terms
- Declaration of Pillnitz
-
A statement issued on August 27, 1791, at Pillnitz Castle near Dresden (Saxony) by Frederick William II of Prussia and the Habsburg Holy Roman Emperor Leopold II, Marie Antoinette’s brother. It declared the joint support of the Holy Roman Empire and of Prussia for King Louis XVI of France against the French Revolution.
- Brunswick Manifesto
-
A proclamation issued by Charles William Ferdinand, Duke of Brunswick, commander of the Allied Army (principally Austrian and Prussian), on July 25, 1792, to the population of Paris, France during the War of the First Coalition. It threatened that if the French royal family were harmed, then French civilians would be harmed. It was a measure intended to intimidate Paris, but instead, it helped further spur the increasingly radical French Revolution.
- Jacobins
-
Members of a revolutionary
political movement that was the most famous political club during
the French Revolution, distinguished by its left wing,
revolutionary politics. Unlike other sects like the
Girondins, they were closely allied to the sans-culottes, a popular
force of working-class Parisians that played a pivotal role in the development
of the revolution. They had a significant presence in the National Convention and were dubbed ‘the Mountain’ for their seats in the uppermost part of the
chamber. - French Revolutionary Wars
-
A series of sweeping military
conflicts from 1792 until 1802, resulting from the French Revolution.
They pitted the French First Republic against Britain, Austria, and several
other monarchies. They are divided in two periods: the War of the First
Coalition (1792–1797) and the War of the Second
Coalition (1798–1802). Initially confined to Europe, the fighting
gradually assumed a global dimension as the political ambitions of the
Revolution expanded. - War of the First Coalition
-
A 1792–1797 military conflict that was the first attempt by the European monarchies to defeat the French First Republic. France declared war on the Habsburg Monarchy of Austria on April 20, 1792, and the Kingdom of Prussia joined the Austrian side a few weeks later. The two monarchies were joined by Great Britain and several smaller European states.
- War of the Second Coalition
-
A 1798–1802 conflict that was the second war on revolutionary France by the European monarchies, led by Britain, Austria, and Russia and including the Ottoman Empire, Portugal, and Naples. Their goal was to contain the spread of chaos from France, but they failed to overthrow the revolutionary regime and French territorial gains since 1793 were confirmed.
- Girondins
-
A political group operating in
France from 1791 to 1795 during the French Revolution, active within the
Legislative Assembly and the National Convention. They emerged from the Jacobin
movement and campaigned for the end of the monarchy, but then resisted the
spiraling momentum of the Revolution. They came into conflict with The Mountain
(Montagnards), a radical faction within the Jacobin Club. - Feuillants
-
A political group that emerged
during the French Revolution and consisted of monarchists and reactionaries who
sat on the right of the Legislative Assembly of 1791. It came into existence
when the left-wing Jacobins split between moderates, who sought to preserve
the position of the king and supported the proposed plan of the National
Assembly for a constitutional monarchy, and radicals (Jacobins), who
pressed for a continuation of direct democratic action to overthrow
Louis XVI.
The Fear of Revolution Among European Monarchs
During the French Revolution, European monarchs watched the developments in France and considered whether they should intervene in support of Louis XVI or to take advantage of the chaos in France. The Holy Roman Emperor Leopold II, brother to the French Queen Marie Antoinette, initially looked on the Revolution calmly. He became disturbed as the Revolution became more radical, although he still hoped to avoid war. In August 1791, Leopold and King Frederick William II of Prussia, in consultation with emigrant French nobles, issued the Declaration of Pillnitz, which declared the interest of the monarchs of Europe in the well-being of Louis and his family and threatened vague but severe consequences if anything should befall them. Although Leopold saw the Pillnitz Declaration as a way of taking action that would enable him to avoid actually doing anything about France for the moment, Paris saw the Declaration as a serious threat and the revolutionary leaders denounced it.
The meeting at Pillnitz Castle in 1791, oil painting by Johann Heinrich Schmidt.
The National Assembly of France interpreted the declaration to mean that Leopold was going to declare war. Radical Frenchmen who called for war used it as a pretext to gain influence and declare war on April 20, 1792, leading to the campaigns of 1792 in the French Revolutionary Wars.
The King, many of the Feuillants, and the Girondins wanted to wage war. Louis XVI and many Feuillants expected war would increase his personal popularity. He also foresaw an opportunity to exploit any defeat; either result would make him stronger. The Girondins, on the other hand, wanted to export the Revolution throughout Europe and, by extension defend the Revolution within France.
The forces opposing war were much weaker. Some Feuillants believed France had little chance to win and feared a loss might lead to greater radicalization of the revolution. On the other end of the political spectrum, Robespierre opposed a war on two grounds: he was concerned it would strengthen the monarchy and military at the expense of the revolution and that it would incur the anger of ordinary people in Austria and elsewhere. The Austrian emperor Leopold II, brother of Marie Antoinette, wished to avoid war but died in March 1792.
In addition to the ideological differences between France and the monarchical powers of Europe, disputes continued over the status of imperial estates in Alsace and the French authorities became concerned about the agitation of emigré nobles abroad, especially in the Austrian Netherlands and the minor states of Germany. France preemptively declared war on Austria (April 20, 1792) and Prussia joined on the Austrian side a few weeks later.
French Revolutionary Wars
What followed was a series of sweeping military conflicts lasting from 1792 until 1802 that would become known as the French Revolutionary Wars. They pitted the French First Republic against several monarchies, most notably Britain and Austria, and are divided in two periods: the War of the First Coalition (1792–1797) and the War of the Second Coalition (1798–1802). Initially confined to Europe, the fighting gradually assumed a global dimension as the political ambitions of the Revolution expanded.
First Coalition
While the revolutionary government frantically raised fresh troops and reorganized its armies, a mostly Prussian Allied army under Charles William Ferdinand, Duke of Brunswick assembled at Koblenz on the Rhine. In July the invasion commenced, with Brunswick’s army easily taking the fortresses of Longwy and Verdun. The duke then issued a proclamation called the Brunswick Manifesto (July 1792), written by the French king’s cousin, Louis Joseph de Bourbon, Prince de Condé, the leader of an émigré corps within the Allied army. This document declared the Allies’ intent to restore the king to his full powers and treat any person or town who opposed them as rebels to be condemned to death by martial law. This, however, strengthened the resolve of the revolutionary army and government to oppose them by any means necessary. On August 10, a crowd stormed the Tuileries Palace, seizing the king and his family.
Anonymous caricature depicting the treatment given to the Brunswick Manifesto by the French population.
The Brunswick Manifesto, rather than intimidate the populace into submission, sent it into furious action and created fear and anger towards the Allies. It also spurred revolutionaries to take further action, organizing an uprising. On August 10, the Tuileries Palace was stormed in a bloody battle with Swiss Guards protecting it, the survivors of which were massacred by the mob.
The War of the First Coalition began with French victories, which rejuvenated the nation and emboldened the National Convention to abolish the monarchy. In 1793, the new French armies experienced numerous defeats, which allowed the Jacobins to rise to power and impose the Reign of Terror as a method of attempting to unify the nation. In 1794, the situation improved dramatically for the French. By 1795, they had captured the Austrian Netherlands and knocked Spain and Prussia out of the war with the Peace of Basel. A hitherto unknown general Napoleon Bonaparte began his first campaign in Italy in April 1796. In less than a year, French armies under Napoleon decimated the Habsburg forces and evicted them from the Italian peninsula, winning almost every battle and capturing 150,000 prisoners. With French forces marching towards Vienna, the Austrians sued for peace and agreed to the Treaty of Campo Formio, ending the First Coalition against the Republic.
Second Coalition
The War of the Second Coalition (1798–1802) included an alliance of Britain, Austria, Russia, the Ottoman Empire, Portugal, and Naples. Their goal was to contain the spread of chaos from France but they failed to overthrow the revolutionary regime, and French territorial gains since 1793 were confirmed. The Coalition did very well in 1799, but Russia pulled out. Napoleon took charge in France in late 1799 and he and his generals defeated the Coalition. In the Treaty of Lunéville in 1801, France held all of its previous gains and obtained new lands in Tuscany, Italy, while Austria was granted Venetia and the Dalmatian coast. Britain and France signed the Treaty of Amiens in March 1802, bringing an interval of peace in Europe that lasted for 14 months.
After a decade of constant warfare and aggressive diplomacy, France seized and conquered a wide array of territories, from the Italian Peninsula and the Low Countries in Europe to the Louisiana Territory in North America. French success in these conflicts ensured the spread of revolutionary principles over much of Europe.
22.4.4: Louis XVI and Marie-Antoinette’s Attempts to Escape
The Flight to Varennes, or the royal family’s unsuccessful escape from Paris during the night of June 20-21, 1791, undermined the credibility of the king as a constitutional
monarch and eventually led to the escalation of the crisis and the execution of Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette.
Learning Objective
Analyze the consequences of the royal family’s attempted escapes
Key Points
-
Following
the Women’s March on Versailles, the royal family was forced to return to Paris.
They remained virtual
prisoners in the Tuileries, the official residence of the
king. Louis
XVI became emotionally paralyzed, leaving most important decisions to the
queen. At her insistence, Louis committed himself and his family to a
disastrous attempt of escape from the capital to the eastern frontier on June
21, 1791. -
Due
to the cumulative effect of a host of errors that in and of themselves would
not have condemned the mission to failure, the royal family was thwarted in its
escape after Jean-Baptiste Drouet, the postmaster of Sainte-Menehould,
recognized the king from his portrait. The king and his family were eventually
arrested in the town of Varennes, 31 miles from their ultimate destination, the
heavily fortified royalist citadel of Montmédy. -
The intended goal of the unsuccessful flight was
to provide the king with greater freedom of action and personal security than
was possible in Paris. At Montmédy, General François Claude de Bouillé concentrated a force of 10,000 regulars of the old royal army who were still
considered loyal to the monarchy. The long-term political objectives of
the royal couple and their closest advisers remain unclear. -
The
credibility of the king as a constitutional monarch had been seriously
undermined. However, on July 15, 1791 the National Constituent Assembly agreed
that he could be restored to power if he agreed to the constitution,
although some factions opposed the proposal. The decision led to the Champ de Mars Massacre two days later. -
From the autumn of 1791 on, the king tied his
hopes of political salvation to the dubious prospects of foreign intervention.
Prompted by Marie Antoinette, Louis rejected the advice of the moderate
constitutionalists, led by Antoine Barnave, to fully implement the Constitution
of 1791 he had sworn to maintain. -
The
outbreak of the war with Austria in April 1792 and the publication of the
Brunswick Manifesto led to the storming of the Tuileries by Parisian radicals
on August 10, 1792. This attack led in turn to the suspension of the king’s
powers by the Legislative Assembly and the proclamation of the First French
Republic on September 21. Some
republicans called for the king’s deposition, others for his trial for alleged treason
and intended defection to the enemies of the French nation. Convicted, Louis was sent to the guillotine on January
21, 1793. Nine months later, Marie Antoinette was also convicted of treason and
beheaded on October 16.
Key Terms
- Flight to Varennes
-
An unsuccessful attempt
to escape Paris by King Louis XVI of France, his wife Marie Antoinette, and their immediate family
during the night of June 20-21, 1791 to initiate a counter-revolution at the head of loyal troops under royalist officers concentrated at Montmédy near the frontier. They escaped only as far as the small town of Varennes, where they were arrested after having been recognized at their previous stop in Sainte-Menehould. - Brunswick Manifesto
-
A proclamation issued on July 25, 1792, by Charles
William Ferdinand, Duke of Brunswick, commander of the Allied Army (principally
Austrian and Prussian) to the population of Paris
during the War of the First Coalition. It threatened that if the French royal
family were harmed, then French civilians would be harmed. It was a
measure intended to intimidate Paris, but instead, it helped further spur the
increasingly radical French Revolution. - Champ de Mars Massacre
-
A massacre that took place on July 17, 1791, in Paris in the midst of the French Revolution. Two days earlier, the National Constituent Assembly issued a decree that Louis XVI would remain king under a constitutional monarchy. This decision came after King Louis XVI and his family unsuccessfully tried to flee France in the Flight to Varennes the month before. Later that day, leaders of the republicans in France rallied against this decision, eventually leading royalist Lafayette to order the massacre.
- March on Versailles
-
A march on October 5, 1789, during the French Revolution among women in the marketplaces of Paris who were near rioting over the high price and scarcity of bread. Their demonstrations quickly became intertwined with the activities of revolutionaries, who were seeking liberal political reforms and a constitutional monarchy for France. The market women and their various allies grew into a crowd of thousands. Encouraged by revolutionary agitators, they ransacked the city armory for weapons and marched to the Palace of Versailles.
Flight to Varennes
Following the Women’s March on Versailles, the royal family was forced to return to Paris. Louis XVI attempted to work within the framework of his limited powers but won little support. He and the royal family remained virtual
prisoners in the Tuileries, a royal and imperial palace in Paris that served as the residence of most French monarchs.
For the next two years, the palace remained the official residence of the king.
Louis XVI became emotionally paralyzed, leaving most important decisions to the queen. Prodded by the queen, Louis committed the family to a disastrous escape attempt from the capital to the eastern frontier on June 21, 1791. With the dauphin’s governess the Marquise de Tourzel taking on the role of a Russian baroness, the queen pretending to be a governess, the king’s sister, Madame Élisabeth a nurse, the king a valet, and the royal children the alleged baroness’ daughters, the royal family made their escape leaving the Tuileries around midnight. The escape was largely planned by the queen’s favorite, the Swedish Count Axel von Fersenand the Baron de Breteuil, who had garnered support from Swedish King Gustavus III. Fersen had urged the use of two light carriages, which would have made the 200-mile journey to Montmédy relatively quickly. However this would have involved splitting up the royal family and Louis and Marie-Antoinette decided on the use of a heavy, conspicuous coach drawn by six horses.
Due to the cumulative effect of a host of errors, which in and of themselves would not have condemned the mission to failure, the royal family was thwarted in its escape after Jean-Baptiste Drouet, the postmaster of Sainte-Menehould,
recognized the king from his portrait. The king and his family were eventually arrested in the town of Varennes, 31 miles from their ultimate destination, the heavily fortified royalist citadel of Montmédy.
The arrest of Louis XVI and his family at the house of the registrar of passports, at Varennes in June 1791
by Thomas Falcon Marshall.
The king’s flight was traumatic for France. The realization that the king had effectually repudiated the revolutionary reforms made to that point came as a shock to people who until then had seen him as a fundamentally decent king who governed as a manifestation of God’s will. They felt betrayed. Republicanism burst out of the coffeehouses and became the dominant ideal of revolutionary leaders.
The Question of Goals
The intended goal of the unsuccessful flight was to provide the king with greater freedom of action and personal security than was possible in Paris. At Montmédy, General François Claude de Bouillé concentrated a force of 10,000 regulars of the old royal army who were still considered loyal to the monarchy. The long-term political objectives of the royal couple and their closest advisers remain unclear. A detailed document entitled Declaration to the French People prepared by Louis for presentation to the National Assembly and left behind in the Tuileries indicates that his personal goal was a return to the concessions and compromises contained in the declaration of the Third Estate in June 1789, immediately prior to the outbreak of violence in Paris and the storming of the Bastille. Private correspondence from Marie Antoinette takes a more reactionary line of restoration of the old monarchy without concessions, although referring to pardons for all but the revolutionary leadership and the city of Paris.
The Champ de Mars Massacre
When the royal family finally returned under guard to Paris, the revolutionary crowd met the royal carriage with uncharacteristic silence and the royal family was again confined to the Tuileries Palace. From this point forward, the abolition of the monarchy and the establishment of a republic became an ever-increasing possibility. The credibility of the king as a constitutional monarch had been seriously undermined. However, on July 15, 1791, the National Constituent Assembly agreed that the king could be restored to power if he agreed to the constitution, although some factions opposed the proposal.
Later that day,
Jacques Pierre Brissot, editor and main writer of Le Patriote français and president of the Comité des Recherches of Paris, drew up a petition demanding the removal of the king. A crowd of 50,000 people gathered at the Champ de Mars on July 17 to sign the petition, and about 6,000 had already signed. But earlier that day, two suspicious people hidigg at the Champ de Mars were hanged by those who found them. Jean Sylvain Bailly, the mayor of Paris, used this incident to declare martial law. The Marquis de Lafayette and the National Guard, which was under his command, were temporarily able to disperse the crowd but even more people returned later that afternoon. Lafayette again tried to disperse the crowd, who in response threw stones at the National Guard. After firing unsuccessful warning shots, the National Guard opened fire directly on the crowd, an event known as
the Champ de Mars Massacre.
The exact numbers of dead and wounded are unknown; estimates range from 12 to 50 dead.
Execution of Louis and Marie Antoinette
From the autumn of 1791 on, the king tied his hopes of political salvation to the dubious prospects of foreign intervention. Prompted by Marie Antoinette, Louis rejected the advice of the moderate constitutionalists, led by Antoine Barnave, to fully implement the Constitution of 1791 he had sworn to maintain. He instead secretly committed himself to covert counter-revolution. At the same time, the king’s failed escape attempt alarmed many other European monarchs, who feared that the revolutionary fervor would spread to their countries and result in instability outside France. Relations between France and its neighbors, already strained because of the revolution, deteriorated even further, with some foreign ministries calling for war against the revolutionary government.
The outbreak of the war with Austria in April 1792 and the publication of the Brunswick Manifesto led to the storming of the Tuileries by Parisian radicals on August 10, 1792. This attack led in turn to the suspension of the king’s powers by the Legislative Assembly and the proclamation of the First French Republic on September 21. In November, proof of Louis XVI’s dealings with the deceased revolutionary politician Mirabeau and of his counterrevolutionary intrigues with foreigners was found in a secret iron chest in the Tuileries. It was now no longer possible to pretend that the reforms of the French Revolution had been made with the free consent of the king. Some republicans called for his deposition, others for his trial for alleged treason and intended defection to the enemies of the French nation. On December 3, it was decided that Louis XVI, who together with his family had been imprisoned since August, should be brought to trial for treason. He appeared twice before the National Convention. Convicted, Louis was sent to the guillotine on January 21, 1793. Nine months later, Marie Antoinette was also convicted of treason and beheaded on October 16.
22.5: The Reign of Terror
22.5.1: The Legislative Assembly
The Legislative Assembly, the legislature of revolutionary France from October 1, 1791 to September 20, 1792, provided the focus of political debate and revolutionary law-making. However, its tenure overlapped with a period of extreme political and social chaos.
Learning Objective
Explain the structure and role of the Legislative Assembly
Key Points
-
The
Legislative Assembly first met on October 1, 1791, under the Constitution of
1791, consisting of 745 members. Few were nobles, very few were clergymen,
and the majority came from the middle class. The members were generally young,
and since none had sat in the previous Assembly they largely lacked national
political experience. -
From the beginning, relations between the king
and the Legislative Assembly were hostile. Louis repeatedly vetoed decrees proposed by the Assembly and the war against Austria (soon joined by Prussia) intensified tensions. Soon, the King dismissed Girondins from the Ministry. -
When
the king formed a new cabinet mostly of Feuillants, the breach with the king and the Assembly on one side and the majority of the
common people of Paris on the other. Events came to a head in June when
Lafayette sent a letter to the Assembly recommending the suppression of the
“anarchists” and political clubs in the capital. The
Demonstration of June 20 followed. -
The Girondins made a last advance to Louis,
offering to save the monarchy if he would accept them as ministers. His refusal
united all the Jacobins in the project of overturning the monarchy by force.
The local leaders of this new stage of the revolution were assisted in their
work by the fear of invasion by the allied army. -
On the night of August 10, 1792, insurgents and
popular militias, supported by the revolutionary Paris Commune, assailed the
Tuileries Palace and massacred the Swiss Guards assigned for the
protection of the king. The royal family became prisoners and a rump session of
the Legislative Assembly suspended the monarchy. -
Chaos persisted until the National Convention,
elected by universal male suffrage and charged with writing a new constitution,
met on September 20, 1792, and became the new de facto government
of France. By the same token, the Legislative Assembly ceased to exist.
Key Terms
- September Massacres
-
A wave of killings in Paris (September 2-7, 1792) and other cities in late summer 1792, during the French Revolution. They were partly triggered by a fear that foreign and royalist armies would attack Paris and that the inmates of the city’s prisons would be freed and join them. Radicals called for preemptive action, which was undertaken by mobs of National Guardsmen and some fédérés. It was tolerated by the city government, the Paris Commune, which called on other cities to follow suit.
- Brunswick Manifesto
-
A proclamation issued by Charles William
Ferdinand, Duke of Brunswick, commander of the Allied Army (principally
Austrian and Prussian), on July 25, 1792, to the population of Paris
during the War of the First Coalition. It threatened that if the French royal
family were harmed, French civilians would be harmed. This measure was intended to intimidate Paris,but instead helped further spur the
increasingly radical French Revolution. - Demonstration of June 20
-
The last peaceful attempt (1792) made by the people of Paris during the French Revolution to persuade King Louis XVI of France to abandon his current policy and attempt to follow what they believed to be a more empathetic approach to governing. Its objectives were to convince the government to enforce the Legislative Assembly’s rulings, defend France against foreign invasion, and preserve the spirit of the French Constitution of 1791. The demonstrators hoped that the king would withdraw his veto and recall the Girondin ministers. It was the last phase of the unsuccessful attempt to establish a constitutional monarchy in France.
- Paris Commune
-
During the French Revolution,
the government of Paris from 1789 until 1795. Established in the Hôtel
de Ville just after the storming of the Bastille, it consisted of 144
delegates elected by the 48 divisions of the city. It became insurrectionary in
the summer of 1792, essentially refusing to take orders from the central French
government. It took charge of routine civic functions but is best known for
mobilizing extreme views. It lost much power in 1794 and was replaced in 1795. - Legislative Assembly
-
The legislature of France from October 1, 1791, to September 20, 1792, during the years of the French Revolution. It provided the focus of political debate and revolutionary law-making between the periods of the National Constituent Assembly and the National Convention.
Political Power at the Legislative Assembly
The Legislative Assembly first met on October 1, 1791 under the Constitution of 1791, and consisted of 745 members. Few were nobles, very few were clergymen, and the majority came from the middle class. The members were generally young, and since none had sat in the previous Assembly, largely lacked national political experience.
The rightists within the assembly consisted of about 260 Feuillants
(constitutional monarchists), whose chief leaders, Gilbert du Motier de La Fayette and Antoine Barnave, remained outside the Assembly because of their ineligibility for re-election. They were staunch constitutional monarchists, firm in their defense of the King against the popular agitation. The leftists were 136 Jacobins (still including the party later known as the Girondins or Girondists) and Cordeliers
(a
populist group, whose many members would later become the radical Montagnards). Its most famous leaders were Jacques Pierre Brissot, the philosopher Condorcet, and Pierre Victurnien Vergniaud. The Left drew its inspiration from the more radical tendency of the Enlightenment, regarded the émigré nobles as traitors, and espoused anticlericalism. They were suspicious of Louis XVI, some favoring a general European war both to spread the new ideals of liberty and equality and to put the king’s loyalty to the test. The remainder of the House, 345 deputies, belonged to no definite party and were called the Marsh (Le Marais) or the Plain (La Plaine). They were committed to the ideals of the Revolution and thus generally inclined to side with the left but would also occasionally back proposals from the right.
Some historians dispute these numbers and estimate that the Legislative Assembly consisted of about 165 Feuillants (the right), about 330 Jacobins (including Girondins; the left), and about 350 deputies, who did not belong to any definite party but voted most often with the left. The differences emerge from how historians approach data in primary sources, where numbers reported by the clubs do not overlap with analyses of club membership conducted independently by name.
Medal of the First French Legislative Assembly (1791-1792), Augustin Challamel, Histoire-musée de la république Française, depuis l’assemblée des notables, Paris, Delloye, 1842.
The Legislative Assembly was driven by two opposing groups. The first were conservative members of the bourgeoisie (wealthy middle class in the Third Estate) that favored a constitutional monarchy, represented by the Feuillants, who felt that the revolution had already achieved its goal.
The other group was the democratic faction for whom the king could no longer be trusted, represented by the new members of the Jacobin club that claimed that more revolutionary measures were necessary.
Louis XVI’s Relationship with the Assembly
From the beginning, relations between the king and the Legislative Assembly were hostile. Louis vetoed two decrees proposed in November: that the émigrés assembled on the frontiers should be liable to the penalties of death and confiscation if they remained so assembled and that every non-juring clergyman must take the civic oath on pain of losing his pension and potential deportation.
The war declared on April 20, 1792, against Austria (soon joined by Prussia) started as a disaster for the French. Tensions between Louis XVI and the Legislative Assembly intensified and the blame for war failures was thrown first upon the king and his ministers and the Girondins party. The Legislative Assembly passed decrees sentencing any priest denounced by 20 citizens to immediate deportation, dissolving the King’s guard on the grounds that it was manned by aristocrats, and establishing a camp of 20,000 national guardsmen (Fédérés) near Paris. The King vetoed the decrees and dismissed Girondins from the Ministry. When the king formed a new cabinet mostly of Feuillants, the breach between the king on the one hand and the Assembly and the majority of the common people of Paris on the other widened. Events came to a head in June when Lafayette sent a letter to the Assembly recommending the suppression of the “anarchists” and political clubs in the capital.
The Demonstration of June 20, 1792, followed as the last peaceful attempt made by the people of Paris to persuade King Louis XVI of France to abandon his current policy and attempt to follow what they believed to be a more empathetic approach to governing .
The People Storming the Tuileries on 20 June, 1792, Jacques-Antoine Dulaure, Esquisses historiques des principaux événemens de la révolution, v. 2, Paris, Baudouin frères, 1823.
The King’s veto of the Legislative Assembly’s decrees was published on June 19, just one day before the 3rd anniversary of the Tennis Court Oath that inaugurated the Revolution. The popular demonstration of June 20, 1792, was organized to put pressure on the King.
Events of August 10
The Girondins made a last advance to Louis offering to save the monarchy if he would accept them as ministers. His refusal united all the Jacobins in the project of overturning the monarchy by force. The local leaders of this new stage of the revolution were assisted in their work by the fear of invasion by the allied army. The Assembly declared the country in danger and the Brunswick Manifesto,
combined with the news that Austrian and Prussian armies had marched into French soil, heated the republican spirit to fury.
On the night of August 10, 1792, insurgents and popular militias supported by the revolutionary Paris Commune assailed the Tuileries Palace and massacred the Swiss Guards assigned for the protection of the king. The royal family became prisoners and a rump session of the Legislative Assembly suspended the monarchy. Little more than a third of the deputies were present, almost all of them Jacobins. What remained of a national government depended on the support of the insurrectionary Commune. With enemy troops advancing, the Commune looked for potential traitors in Paris and sent a circular letter to the other cities of France inviting them to follow this example. In Paris and many other cities, the massacres of prisoners and priests (known as September Massacres) followed. The Assembly could offer only feeble resistance. In October, however, there was a counterattack accusing the instigators of being terrorists. This led to a political contest between the more moderate Girondists and the more radical Montagnards inside the Convention, with rumor used as a weapon by both sides. The Girondists lost ground when they seemed too conciliatory, but the pendulum swung again after the men who endorsed the massacres were denounced as terrorists.
Chaos persisted until the National Convention, elected by universal male suffrage and charged with writing a new constitution, met on September 20, 1792, and became the new de facto government of France. The Legislative Assembly ceased to exist. The next day, the Convention abolished the monarchy and declared a republic.
22.5.2: The First French Republic and Regicide
The execution of Louis XVI on January 21, 1793, radicalized the French Revolution at home and united European monarchies against revolutionary France.
Learning Objective
Evaluate the decision to execute the king and queen
Key Points
-
The Insurrection of August 10, 1792, led to the creation of the National
Convention, elected by universal male suffrage and charged with writing a new
constitution. On September 20, the Convention became the new de
facto government of France, and the next day it abolished the
monarchy and declared a republic. -
A commission was established to
examine evidence against the King while the Convention’s Legislation Committee
considered legal aspects of any future trial. Most Montagnards (radical
republicans) favored judgement and execution, while the Girondins (moderate
republicans) were divided concerning Louis’s fate. -
The
trial began on December 3. The following day, the Convention’s president
Bertrand Barère de Vieuzac presented it with the indictment and decreed the
interrogation of Louis XVI.
Louis XVI heard 33 charges. -
Given overwhelming evidence of Louis’ collusion
with the invaders during the ongoing war with Austria and Prussia, the verdict
was a foregone conclusion. Ultimately, 693 deputies voted “yes” in
favor of a guilty verdict. Not a single deputy voted “no,”
although 26 attached some condition to their votes. For punishment, 361
voted for death without conditions, just carrying the vote by a marginal
majority. -
On January 21, 1793, the former Louis XVI, now
simply named Citoyen Louis Capet (Citizen Louis Capet), was
executed by guillotine. Marie
Antoinette was tried separately, after Louis’s death. She was guillotined on
October 16, 1793. - In France, the Reign of Terror followed.
Across Europe, conservatives were horrified and
monarchies called for war against revolutionary France. The execution of Louis
XVI united all European governments, including Spain, Naples, and the
Netherlands, against the Revolution.
Key Terms
- Paris Commune
-
During the French Revolution,
the government of Paris from 1789 until 1795. Established in the Hôtel
de Ville just after the storming of the Bastille, it consisted of 144
delegates elected by the 48 divisions of the city. It became insurrectionary in
the summer of 1792, refusing to take orders from the central French
government. It took charge of routine civic functions but is best known for
mobilizing extreme views. It lost much power in 1794 and was replaced in 1795. - Insurrection of August 10, 1792
-
One of the defining events in
the history of the French Revolution, the storming of the Tuileries
Palace by the National Guard of the insurrectional Paris
Commune and revolutionary fédérés from
Marseilles and Brittany resulted in the fall of the French monarchy.
King Louis XVI and the royal family took shelter with the Legislative
Assembly, which was suspended. The formal end of the monarchy six
weeks later was one of the first acts of the new National Convention. - Legislative Assembly
-
The legislature of
France from October 1, 1791, to September 20, 1792, during the years of the
French Revolution. It provided the focus of political debate and revolutionary
law-making between the periods of the National Constituent Assembly and the National Convention.
The Aftermath of August 10
The Insurrection of August 10, 1792, was one of the defining events in the history of the French Revolution. The storming of the Tuileries Palace by the National Guard of the insurrectional Paris Commune and revolutionary fédérés (federates) from Marseilles and Brittany resulted in the fall of the French monarchy. King Louis XVI and the royal family took shelter with the Legislative Assembly, which was suspended.
Chaos persisted until the National Convention,
elected by universal male suffrage and charged with writing a new constitution,
met on September 20, 1792, and became the new de facto government
of France. The
next day the Convention abolished the monarchy and declared a republic.
The Convention’s unanimous declaration of a French Republic on September 21, 1792, left open the fate of the King. A commission was established to examine evidence against him while the Convention’s Legislation Committee considered legal aspects of any future trial. Most Montagnards (radical republicans) favored judgement and execution, while the Girondins (moderate republicans) were divided concerning Louis’s fate, with some arguing for royal inviolability, others for clemency, and still others for either lesser punishment or death. On November 20, opinion turned sharply against Louis following the discovery of a secret cache of 726 documents of his personal communications.
Most of the pieces of correspondence in the cabinet involved ministers of Louis XVI, but others involved most of the big players of the Revolution. These documents, despite the likely gaps and pre-selection showed the duplicity of advisers and ministers—at least those that Louis XVI trusted—who had set up parallel policies.
The Trial
The trial began on December 3. The following day, the Convention’s president Bertrand Barère
de Vieuzac presented it with the indictment and decreed the interrogation of Louis XVI. The Convention’s secretary read the charges: “the French people” accused Louis of committing “a multitude of crimes in order to establish [his] tyranny by destroying its liberty.”
Louis XVI heard 33 charges.
Louis XVI sought the most illustrious legal minds in France as his defense team. The task of lead counsel eventually fell to Raymond Desèze, assisted by François Denis Tronchet and Guillaume-Chrétien de Lamoignon de Malesherbes. Although he had only two weeks to prepare his defense arguments, on December 26
Desèze
pleaded the king’s case for three hours, arguing eloquently yet discreetly that the revolution spare his life.
Given overwhelming evidence of Louis’s collusion with the invaders during the ongoing war with Austria and Prussia, the verdict was a foregone conclusion. Ultimately, 693 deputies voted “yes” for a guilty verdict. Not a single deputy voted “no,” although 26 attached some condition to their votes. 26 deputies were absent from the vote, most on official business. 23 deputies abstained for various reasons, several because they felt they had been elected to make laws rather than to judge.
For the king’s sentence, deputy Jean-Baptiste Mailhe proposed “Death, but (…) I think it would be worthy of the Convention to consider whether it would be useful to policy to delay the execution.” This “Mailhe amendment,” supported by 26 deputies, was regarded by some of Mailhe’s contemporaries as a conspiracy to save the king’s life. It was even suggested that Mailhe had been paid, perhaps by Spanish gold. Paris voted overwhelmingly for death, 21 to 3. Robespierre voted first and said “The sentiment that led me to call for the abolition of the death penalty is the same that today forces me to demand that it be applied to the tyrant of my country.” Philippe Égalité, formerly the Duke of Orléans and Louis’ own cousin, voted for his execution, a cause of much future bitterness among French monarchists.
There were 721 voters in total. 34 voted for death with attached conditions (23 of whom invoked the Mailhe amendment), 2 voted for life imprisonment in irons, 319 voted for imprisonment until the end of the war (to be followed by banishment). and 361 voted for death without conditions, just carrying the vote by a marginal majority. Louis was to be put to death.
Execution
On January 21, 1793, Louis XVI awoke at 5 a.m. and heard his last Mass. Upon Father Edgeworth’s advice, he avoided a farewell scene with his family. His royal seal was to go to the Dauphin and his wedding ring to the Queen. At 10 a.m., a carriage with the king arrived at Place de la Révolution and proceeded to a space surrounded by guns and drums and a crowd carrying pikes and bayonets, which had been kept free at the foot of the scaffold. The former Louis XVI, now simply named Citoyen Louis Capet (Citizen Louis Capet), was executed by guillotine.
Marie Antoinette was tried separately, after Louis’s death. She was guillotined on October 16, 1793.
Execution of Louis XVI, German copperplate engraving, 1793, by Georg Heinrich Sieveking.
The body of Louis XVI was immediately transported to the old Church of the Madeleine (demolished in 1799), since the legislation in force forbade burial of his remains beside those of his father, the Dauphin Louis de France, at Sens. On January 21, 1815 Louis XVI and his wife’s remains were reburied in the Basilica of Saint-Denis where in 1816 his brother, King Louis XVIII, had a funerary monument erected by Edme Gaulle.
Aftermath of the Execution
In April 1793, members of the Montagnards went on to establish the Committee of Public Safety under Robespierre, which would be responsible for the Terror (September 5, 1793 – July 28, 1794), the bloodiest and one of the most controversial phases of the French Revolution. The time between 1792 and 1794 was dominated by the radical ideology until the execution of Robespierre in July 1794.
Across Europe,
conservatives were horrified and monarchies called for war against revolutionary France.
The execution of Louis XVI united all European governments, including Spain, Naples, and the Netherlands, against the Revolution. France declared war against Britain and the Netherlands on February 1, 1793, and soon afterwards against Spain. In the course of 1793, the Holy Roman Empire, the kings of Portugal and Naples, and the Grand-Duke of Tuscany declared war against France. Thus, the First Coalition was formed.
22.5.3: Robespierre and the Committee of Public Safety
The period of the Jacobin rule known as the Reign of Terror, under the leadership of Maximilien Robespierre, was the first time in history that terror became an official government policy with the stated aim to use violence to achieve a higher political goal.
Learning Objective
Break down the politics of fear and how Robespierre used them to control France
Key Points
-
The Reign of Terror (September 5, 1793 –
July 28, 1794), also known as The Terror, was a period of violence during
the French Revolution incited by conflict between two rival political factions,
the Girondins (moderate republicans) and the Jacobins (radical republicans),
and marked by mass executions of “the enemies of the revolution.” - The
foundation of the Terror was centered around the April 1793 creation of the
Committee of Public Safety. As a wartime measure, the Committee was
given broad supervisory powers over military, judicial, and legislative
efforts. Its power peaked between August
1793 and July 1794 under the leadership of Robespierre, who established a virtual dictatorship. -
In June 1793, Paris sections took over the
Convention, calling for administrative and political purges, a low fixed price
for bread, and a limitation of the electoral franchise to sans-culottes alone.
The Jacobins identified themselves with the popular movement and the
sans-culottes, who in turn saw popular violence as a political right. The
sans-culottes, exasperated by the inadequacies of the government, invaded the
Convention and overthrew the Girondins. In their place they endorsed the
political ascendancy of the Jacobins. -
On June 24, the Convention adopted
the first republican constitution of France, the French Constitution of 1793.
It was ratified by public referendum, but never put into force. Like other
laws, it was indefinitely suspended and in October, it was announced that the
government of France would be “revolutionary until the peace.” -
Although the Girondins and the Jacobins were
both on the extreme left and shared many of the same radical republican
convictions, the Jacobins were more brutally efficient in setting up a war
government. The year of Jacobin rule was the first time in history that terror
became an official government policy, with the stated aim to use violence to
achieve a higher political goal. -
In June
1794, Robespierre, who favored deism over atheism, recommended that the Convention acknowledge the existence
of his god. The next day, the worship of the deistic Supreme Being was
inaugurated as an official aspect of the revolution. As a
result of Robespierre’s insistence on associating terror with virtue, his
efforts to make the republic a morally united patriotic community became
equated with the endless bloodshed. Shortly
after that, following a decisive military victory over Austria at the Battle of
Fleurus, Robespierre was overthrown on July 27, 1794.
Key Terms
- sans-culottes
-
The common people of the lower classes in late 18th century France, a great many of whom became radical and militant partisans of the French Revolution in response to their poor quality of life under the Ancien Régime.
- Committee of Public Safety
-
A committee created in April 1793 by the National Convention and then restructured in July 1793 to form the de facto executive government in France during the Reign of Terror (1793–94), a stage of the French Revolution.
- Reign of Terror
-
A period of violence during the French Revolution incited by conflict between two rival political factions, the Girondins and the Jacobins, and marked by mass executions of “the enemies of the revolution.” The death toll ranged in the tens of thousands, with 16,594 executed by guillotine and another 25,000 in summary executions across France.
- National Convention
-
A single-chamber assembly in France from September 20, 1792, to October 26, 1795, during the French Revolution. It succeeded the Legislative Assembly and founded the First Republic after the insurrection of August 10, 1792.
The Reign of Terror (September 5, 1793 – July 28, 1794), also known as The Terror, was a period of violence during the French Revolution incited by conflict between two rival political factions, the Girondins (moderate republicans) and the Jacobins (radical republicans), and marked by mass executions of “the enemies of the revolution.” The death toll ranged in the tens of thousands, with 16,594 executed by guillotine and another 25,000 in summary executions across France.
The Committee of Public Safety
The foundation of the Terror was the April 1793 creation of the Committee of Public Safety. The National Convention believed that the Committee needed to rule with “near dictatorial power” and gave it new and expansive political powers to respond quickly to popular demands.
The Committee—composed at first of nine and later of 12 members—assumed its role of protecting the newly established republic against foreign attacks and internal rebellion. As a wartime measure, the Committee was given broad supervisory powers over military, judicial, and legislative efforts. It was formed as an administrative body to supervise and expedite the work of the executive bodies of the Convention and the government ministers appointed by the Convention. As the Committee tried to meet the dangers of a coalition of European nations and counter-revolutionary forces within the country, it became more and more powerful.
In July 1793, following the defeat at the Convention of the Girondists, the prominent leaders of the radical Jacobins—Maximilien Robespierre and Saint-Just —were added to the Committee. The power of the Committee peaked between August 1793 and July 1794 under the leadership of Robespierre. In December 1793, the Convention formally conferred executive power upon the Committee and Robespierre established a virtual dictatorship.
Portrait of Maximilien de Robespierre (1758-1794) by an unknown artist.
Influenced by 18th-century Enlightenment philosophes such as Rousseau and Montesquieu, Robespierre was a capable articulator of the beliefs of the left-wing bourgeoisie and a deist. He opposed the dechristianization of France during the French Revolution. His steadfast adherence and defense of the views he expressed earned him the nickname l’Incorruptible (The Incorruptible).
The Terror
In June 1793, Paris sections took over the Convention, calling for administrative and political purges, a low fixed price for bread, and a limitation of the electoral franchise to sans-culottes alone. The Jacobins identified themselves with the popular movement and the sans-culottes, who in turn saw popular violence as a political right. The sans-culottes, exasperated by the inadequacies of the government, invaded the Convention and overthrew the Girondins. In their place they endorsed the political ascendancy of the Jacobins. Robespierre came to power on the back of street violence.
Meanwhile, on June 24, the Convention adopted the first republican constitution of France, the French Constitution of 1793. It was ratified by public referendum but never put into force. Like other laws, it was indefinitely suspended and in October, it was announced that the government of France would be “revolutionary until the peace.”
In an attempt to make their stance known to the world,
the National Convention, led by Robespierre, also released a statement of French foreign policy. It served to further highlight the convention’s fear of enemies of the Revolution. Because of this fear, several other pieces of legislation passed that furthered the Jacobin domination of the Revolution. This led to the consolidation, extension, and application of emergency government devices to maintain what the Revolution considered control.
Although the Girondins and the Jacobins were both on the extreme left and shared many of the same radical republican convictions, the Jacobins were more brutally efficient in setting up a war government. The year of Jacobin rule was the first time in history that terror became an official government policy, with the stated aim to use violence to achieve a higher political goal. The Jacobins were meticulous in maintaining a legal structure for the Terror, so clear records exist for official death sentences. However, many more were murdered without formal sentences pronounced in a court of law. The Revolutionary Tribunal summarily condemned thousands of people to death by guillotine, while mobs beat other victims to death. Sometimes people died for their political opinions or actions, but many for little reason beyond mere suspicion or because others had a stake in getting rid of them. Among people who were condemned by the revolutionary tribunals, about 8% were aristocrats, 6% clergy, 14% middle class, and 72% were workers or peasants accused of hoarding, evading the draft, desertion, or rebellion.
The execution of the Girondins, moderate republicans, enemies of the more radical Jacobins. Author unknown; source: “La Guillotine en 1793” by Hector Fleischmann (1908).
The passing of the Law of Suspects stepped political terror up to a much higher level of cruelty. Anyone who ‘by their conduct, relations, words or writings showed themselves to be supporters of tyranny and federalism and enemies of freedom’ was targeted and suspected of treason. This created a mass overflow in the prison systems. As a result, the prison population of Paris increased from 1,417 to 4,525 people over a three months.
The Republic of Virtue and the Fall of Robespierre
In October 1793, a new law made all suspected priests and persons who harbored them liable to summary execution. The climax of extreme anti-clericalism was reached with the celebration of the goddess Reason in Notre Dame Cathedral in November. In June 1794, Robespierre, who favored deism over atheism and had previously condemned the Cult of Reason, recommended that the convention acknowledge the existence of his god. On the next day, the worship of the deistic Supreme Being was inaugurated as an official aspect of the revolution. This austere new religion of virtue was received with signs of hostility by the Parisian public.
As a result of Robespierre’s insistence on associating Terror with Virtue, his efforts to make the republic a morally united patriotic community became equated with the endless bloodshed.
Following a decisive military victory over Austria at the Battle of Fleurus, Robespierre was overthrown on July 27, 1794. His fall was brought about by conflicts between those who wanted more power for the Committee of Public Safety (and a more radical policy than he was willing to allow) and moderates who completely opposed the revolutionary government. Robespierre tried to commit suicide before his execution by shooting himself, although the bullet only shattered his jaw. He was guillotined on July 28. The reign of the standing Committee of Public Safety was ended. New members were appointed the day after Robespierre’s execution and term limits were imposed. The Committee’s powers were reduced piece by piece.
22.5.4: The National Convention
The National Convention (1792-95), the first French assembly elected by universal male suffrage, transitioned from being paralyzed by factional conflicts to becoming the legislative body overseeing the Reign of Terror and eventually accepting the Constitution of 1795.
Learning Objective
Recall the composition and role of the National Convention
Key Points
-
The
National Convention was a single-chamber assembly in France from September 20,
1792, to October 26, 1795, during the French Revolution. It succeeded the
Legislative Assembly and founded the First Republic after the
Insurrection of August 10, 1792. It was the first French assembly elected
by universal male suffrage without distinctions of class. -
Most
historians divide the National Convention into two main factions: the Girondins
and the Montagnards. The Girondins represented the more moderate elements of the
Convention and protested the vast influence held in the Convention by
Parisians. The Montagnards were much more radical and held strong connections to the
sans-culottes of Paris. Traditionally, historians have also identified a
centrist faction called the Plain, but many historians tend to blur the line
between the Plain and the Girondins. -
Within days, the Convention was overtaken by
factional conflicts.The political deadlock, which had repercussions all over France, eventually drove
both major factions to accept dangerous allies. In June
1792, under the pressure of armed sans-culottes, the Girondins ceased to be
a political force. -
Throughout the winter of 1792 and spring of
1793, Paris was plagued by food riots and mass hunger. The new Convention,
occupied mostly with matters of war, did little to remedy the problem until
late spring of 1793. In April 1793, the Convention created the Committee of
Public Safety. Its dominance marked the Reign of Terror. - In June, the
Convention drafted the Constitution of 1793, which was ratified by popular vote but not enacted. Simultaneously, the Committee of Public Safety carried out thousands of executions
against supposed enemies of the young republic. Its laws and policies took the
revolution to unprecedented heights—they introduced the revolutionary calendar
in 1793, closed churches in and around Paris as a part of a movement of
dechristianization, tried and executed Marie Antoinette, and instituted the Law
of Suspects, among other initiatives. Members of various revolutionary factions and groups
were executed. -
In July 1794,
Robespierre was overthrown, the
Jacobin club was closed, and the surviving Girondins were reinstated. A year
later, the National Convention adopted the Constitution of 1795. They
reestablished freedom of worship, began releasing large numbers of prisoners,
and initiated elections for a new legislative body. On
November 3, 1795, a bicameral parliament called the Directory was established and
the National Convention ceased to exist.
Key Terms
- Law of Suspects
-
A decree passed by the Committee of Public Safety in September 1793 during the Reign of Terror of the French Revolution. It marked a significant weakening of individual freedoms leading to “revolutionary paranoia” that swept the nation.
The law ordered the arrest of all avowed enemies and likely enemies of the Revolution, which included nobles, relatives of émigrés, officials removed from office, officers suspected of treason, and hoarders of goods. - Reign of Terror
-
A period of violence during
the French Revolution incited by conflict between two rival political factions,
the Girondins and the Jacobins, and marked by mass executions of “the
enemies of the revolution.” The death toll ranged in the tens of
thousands, with 16,594 executed by guillotine and another 25,000 in summary
executions across France. - Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen
-
A fundamental document of the
French Revolution and in the history of human and civil rights passed
by France’s National Constituent Assembly in August 1789. It was
influenced by the doctrine of natural right, stating that the rights of man are
held to be universal. It became the basis for a nation of free individuals
protected equally by law. - Insurrection of August 10, 1792
-
One of the defining events
in the history of the French Revolution, the storming of the Tuileries
Palace by the National Guard of the insurrectional Paris
Commune and revolutionary fédérés from Marseilles and
Brittany resulted in the fall of the French monarchy. King Louis
XVI and the royal family took shelter with the Legislative Assembly, which
was suspended. The formal end of the monarchy six weeks later was
one of the first acts of the new National Convention. - Thermidorian Reaction
-
A 1794 coup d’état within the French Revolution against the leaders of the Jacobin Club that dominated the Committee of Public Safety. It was triggered by a vote of the National Convention to execute Maximilien Robespierre, Louis Antoine de Saint-Just, and several other leading members of the revolutionary government. It ended the most radical phase of the French Revolution.
- Committee of Public Safety
-
A committee created in April
1793 by the National Convention and then restructured in July 1793 that
formed the de facto executive government in France during the
Reign of Terror (1793–94), a stage of the French Revolution. - National Convention
-
A single-chamber assembly in France from September 20, 1792, to October 26, 1795, during the French Revolution. It succeeded the Legislative Assembly and founded the First Republic after the Insurrection of August 10, 1792.
- sans-culottes
-
The common people of the lower
classes in late 18th century France, a great many of whom became radical and
militant partisans of the French Revolution in response to their poor
quality of life under the Ancien Régime.
The National Convention was a single-chamber assembly in France from September 20, 1792, to October 26, 1795, during the French Revolution. It succeeded the Legislative Assembly and founded the First Republic after the Insurrection of August 10, 1792. The Legislative Assembly decreed the provisional suspension of King Louis XVI and the convocation of a National Convention which was to draw up a constitution. At the same time, it was decided that deputies to that convention should be elected by all Frenchmen ages 25 and older domiciled for a year and living by the product of their labor. The National Convention was therefore the first French assembly elected by universal male suffrage, without distinctions of class.
The election took place in September 1792. Owing to the abstention of aristocrats and anti-republicans and the fear of victimization, the voter turnout was low – 11.9% of the electorate. The universal male suffrage had thus very little impact and the voters elected the same sort of men that the active citizens had chosen in 1791. 75 members sat in the National Constituent Assembly and 183 in the Legislative Assembly. The full number of deputies was 749, not counting 33 from the French colonies, of whom only some arrived in Paris.
According to its own ruling, the Convention elected its President, who was eligible for re-election, every fortnight. For both legislative and administrative purposes, the Convention used committees, with powers regulated by successive laws.
Girondins v. Montagnards
Most historians divide the National Convention into two main factions: the Girondins and the Mountain or the Montagnards (in this context, also referred to as Jacobins). The Girondins represented the more moderate elements of the Convention and protested the vast influence held in the Convention by Parisians. The Montagnards, representing a considerably larger portion of the deputies, were much more radical and held strong connections to the sans-culottes of Paris. Traditionally, historians have identified a centrist faction called the Plain, but many historians tend to blur the line between the Plain and the Girondins.
Within days, the Convention was overtaken by factional conflicts. Girondins were convinced that their opponents aspired to a bloody dictatorship, while the Montagnards believed that Girondins were ready for any compromise with conservatives and royalists that would guarantee their remaining in power. The bitter enmity soon paralyzed the Convention. The political deadlock, which had repercussions all over France, eventually drove both major factions to accept dangerous allies, royalists in the case of Girondins and the sans-culottes in that of the Montagnards. In June 1792, 80,000 armed sans-culottes surrounded the Convention. After deputies who attempted to leave were met with guns, they resigned themselves to declare the arrest of 29 leading Girondins. Thus, the Girondins ceased to be a political force.
Throughout the winter of 1792 and spring of 1793, Paris was plagued by food riots and mass hunger. The new Convention,
occupied mostly with matters of war, did little to remedy the problem until April 1793 when they created the Committee of Public Safety. Eventually headed by Maximilien Robespierre, this committee was given the monumental task of dealing with radical movements, food shortages, riots and revolts (most notably in the Vendée and Brittany), and recent defeats of its armies. In response, the Committee of Public Safety instated a policy of terror and perceived enemies of the republic were persecuted at an ever-increasing rate. The period of the Committee’s dominance during the Revolution is known today as the Reign of Terror.
The Marseillais volunteers departing, sculpted on the Arc de Triomphe.
“La Marseillaise” is the national anthem of France. The song was written in 1792 by Claude Joseph Rouget de Lisle in Strasbourg after the declaration of war by France against Austria. The National Convention adopted it as the Republic’s anthem in 1795. It acquired its nickname after being sung in Paris by volunteers from Marseille marching on the capital.
Despite growing discontent with the National Convention as a ruling body, in June the Convention drafted the Constitution of 1793, which was ratified by popular vote in early August. However, the Committee of Public Safety was seen as an “emergency” government and the rights guaranteed by the 1789 Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen and the new constitution were suspended under its control. The Committee carried out thousands of executions against supposed enemies of the young Republic. Its laws and policies took the revolution to unprecedented heights—they introduced the revolutionary calendar in 1793, closed churches in and around Paris as a part of a movement of dechristianization, tried and executed Marie Antoinette, and instituted the Law of Suspects, among others. Members of various revolutionary factions and groups were executed including the Hébertists and the Dantonists.
Shortly after a decisive
military victory over Austria at the Battle of Fleurus, Robespierre was
overthrown in July 1794 and the reign of the standing
Committee of Public Safety was ended.
After the arrest and execution of Robespierre, the Jacobin club was closed, and the surviving Girondins were reinstated (Thermidorian Reaction). A year later, the National Convention adopted the Constitution of 1795. They reestablished freedom of worship, began releasing large numbers of prisoners, and most importantly, initiated elections for a new legislative body. On November 3, 1795, the Directory – a bicameral parliament – was established and the National Convention ceased to exist.
22.5.5: The Thermidorian Reaction
The Thermidorian
Reaction was a coup d’état during the French Revolution resulting in a Thermidorian regime characterized by the violent elimination of its perceived opponents.
Learning Objective
Describe the events of the Thermidorian Reaction
Key Points
- The Thermidorian Reaction was a coup
d’état within the French Revolution against the leaders of the
Jacobin Club who dominated the Committee of Public Safety. It was
triggered by a vote of the National Convention to execute Maximilien
Robespierre, Louis Antoine de Saint-Just, and several other leading members of
the revolutionary government. -
With Robespierre the sole remaining strongman
of the Revolution, his
apparent total grasp on power became increasingly illusory. In
addition to widespread reaction to the Reign of Terror, Robespierre’s tight
personal control of the military, distrust of military might and banks,
and opposition to supposedly corrupt individuals in government made him
the subject of a number of conspiracies. -
The conspiracies came together on Thermidor 9
(July 27) when members of the national bodies of the revolutionary government
arrested Robespierre and the leaders of the Paris city government. Not
all of the conspiratorial groupings were ideologically motivated. -
The
prime mover for the events was a Montagnard
conspiracy, which was
gradually coalescing and came to pass when the Montagnards
finally swayed the deputies of the right over to their side. In the end, Robespierre
himself united his enemies when he gave a speech
to the Convention in which he railed against enemies and conspiracies, some
within the powerful committees. As he did not give the names of the
“traitors,” all in the Convention had reason to fear that they were
the targets. -
The
Thermidorian regime that followed proved unpopular, facing many rebellions
after the execution of Robespierre and his allies.
The people who were involved with Robespierre
became the target, including many members of the Jacobin club, their
supporters, and individuals suspected of being past revolutionaries. In addition, the sans-culottes were violently suppressed by the Muscadin, a group of street fighters
organized by the new government. The massacre of these groups became known as
the White Terror. -
Meanwhile, French armies overran the
Netherlands and established the Batavian Republic, occupied the left bank
of the Rhine and forced Spain, Prussia and several German
states to sue for peace, enhancing the prestige of the National
Convention. A new constitution
was drawn up, which eased back some of the democratic elements of the
Constitution of 1793 and the Thermidorian regime ended.
Key Terms
- Thermidorian Reaction
-
A 1794 coup
d’état within the French Revolution against the leaders of the
Jacobin Club that dominated the Committee of Public Safety. It was
triggered by a vote of the National Convention to execute Maximilien
Robespierre, Louis Antoine de Saint-Just, and several other leaders of
the revolutionary government. It ended the most radical phase of the French
Revolution. - Reign of Terror
-
A period of violence during
the French Revolution incited by conflict between two rival political factions,
the Girondins and the Jacobins, and marked by mass executions of “the
enemies of the revolution.” The death toll ranged in the tens of
thousands, with 16,594 executed by guillotine and another 25,000 in summary
executions across France. - White Terror
-
A period of political violence during the French Revolution following the death of Robespierre and the end of the Reign of Terror. It was started by a group in the south of France calling themselves The Companions of Jehu. They planned a double uprising to coincide with invasions by Great Britain in the west and Austria in the east.
- Paris Commune
-
During the French
Revolution, the government of Paris from 1789 until 1795. Established in
the Hôtel de Ville just after the storming of the Bastille, it
consisted of 144 delegates elected by the 48 divisions of the city. It became
insurrectionary in the summer of 1792, essentially refusing to take orders from
the central French government. It took charge of routine civic functions but is
best known for mobilizing extreme views. It lost much power in 1794 and was
replaced in 1795. - National Convention
-
A single-chamber assembly
in France from September 20, 1792, to October 26, 1795, during the French
Revolution. It succeeded the Legislative Assembly and founded the First
Republic after the Insurrection of August 10, 1792. - Committee of Public Safety
-
A committee created in
April 1793 by the National Convention and then restructured in July 1793. It formed the de facto executive government in France during the
Reign of Terror (1793–94), a stage of the French Revolution.
The Thermidorian Reaction was a coup d’état within the French Revolution against the leaders of the Jacobin Club who dominated the Committee of Public Safety. It was triggered by a vote of the National Convention to execute Maximilien Robespierre, Louis Antoine de Saint-Just, and several other leaders of the revolutionary government. The name Thermidorian refers to Thermidor 9, Year II (July 27, 1794), the date according to the French Republican Calendar when Robespierre and other radical revolutionaries came under concerted attack in the National Convention. Thermidorian Reaction also refers to the period until the National Convention was superseded by the Directory (also called the era of the Thermidorian Convention).
Conspiracies against Robespierre
With Robespierre the sole remaining strongman of the Revolution following the assassination of Jean-Paul Marat and the executions of Jacques Hébert, Georges Danton, and Camille Desmoulins, his apparent total grasp on power became increasingly illusory, especially support from factions to his right. Robespierre’s only real political power at the time lay in the Jacobin Club, which had extended itself beyond the borders of Paris and into the country. In addition to widespread reaction to the Reign of Terror, Robespierre’s tight personal control of the military, distrust of military might and of banks, and opposition to supposedly corrupt individuals in government made him the subject of a number of conspiracies. The conspiracies came together on Thermidor 9 (July 27) when members of the national bodies of the revolutionary government arrested Robespierre and the leaders of the Paris city government. Not all the conspiratorial groupings were ideological in motivation. Many who conspired against Robespierre did so for strong practical and personal reasons, most notably self-preservation. The left was opposed to Robespierre because he rejected atheism and was not sufficiently radical.
The prime mover, however, for the events of Thermidor 9 was a Montagnard conspiracy led by Jean-Lambert Tallien and Bourdon de l’Oise, which was gradually coalescing and came to pass when the Montagnards finally swayed the deputies of the right over to their side (Robespierre and Saint-Just were themselves Montagnards). Joseph Fouché also played an important role as instigator of the events. In the end, iRobespierre himself united his enemies. On Thermidor 8 (July 26), he gave a speech to the Convention in which he railed against enemies and conspiracies, some within the powerful committees. As he did not give the names of the “traitors,” all in the Convention had reason to fear that they were the targets.
Robespierre was declared an outlaw and condemned without judicial process. The following day, Thermidor 10 (July 28, 1794), he was executed with 21 of his closest associates.
The Closing of the Jacobin Club, during the night of July 27-28, 1794. Print by Claude Nicolas Malapeau (1755-1803) after an etching by Jean Duplessis-Bertaux (1747-1819).
For historians of revolutionary movements, the term Thermidor has come to mean the phase in some revolutions when power slips from the hands of the original revolutionary leadership and a radical regime is replaced by a more conservative regime, sometimes to the point at which the political pendulum swings back towards something resembling a pre-revolutionary state.
Thermidorian Regime
The Thermidorian regime that followed proved unpopular, facing many rebellions after the execution of Robespierre and his allies along with 70 members of the Paris Commune. This was the largest mass execution that ever took place in Paris and led to a fragile situation in France. The hostility towards Robespierre did not just vanish with his execution. Instead, the people involved with Robespierre became the target, including many members of the Jacobin club, their supporters, and individuals suspected of being past revolutionaries. In addition, the sans-culottes faced violent suppression by the Muscadin, a group of street fighters organized by the new government. The massacre of these groups became known as the White Terror. Often members of targeted groups were the victims of prison massacres or put on trial without due process, similar conditions to those provided to the counter-revolutionaries during the Reign of Terror.
The Thermidorian regime excluded the remaining Montagnards from power, even those who had joined in conspiring against Robespierre and Saint-Just. The White Terror of 1795 resulted in numerous imprisonments and several hundred executions, almost exclusively of people on the political left.
Meanwhile, French armies overran the Netherlands and established the Batavian Republic, occupied the left bank of the Rhine, and forced Spain, Prussia and several German states to sue for peace, enhancing the prestige of the National Convention. A new constitution called the Constitution of the Year III (1795) was drawn up, which eased back some of the democratic elements of the Constitution of 1793. On October 25, the Convention declared itself dissolved and was replaced by the French Directory on November 2.
22.5.6: Structure of the Directory
The Directory,
a five-member
committee that governed France from November 1795 to November 1799, failed to reform the disastrous economy, relied heavily on army and violence, and represented another turn towards dictatorship during the French Revolution.
Learning Objective
Explain the structure and role of the Directory
Key Points
- The
Constitution of 1795 created the Directory with a bicameral legislature
consisting of the Council of Five Hundred (lower house) and the Council of
Ancients (upper house). Besides functioning as legislative bodies, the Council
of Five Hundred proposed the list from which the Council of
Ancients chose five directors who jointly held executive power. The new
Constitution sought to create a separation of powers, but in reality power was in the hands of the five members
of the Directory. -
In
October 1795, the elections for the new Councils decreed by the new constitution took
place, with the universal male suffrage of 1793 replaced by limited suffrage
based on property. 379 members of the National Convention, for the most part
moderate republicans, were elected to the new legislature. To assure that the
Directory did not abandon the Revolution entirely, the Council required all members of the Directory to be former members of the Convention and
regicides, those who had voted for the execution of Louis XVI. -
On October 31, 1795, the members of the Council
of Five Hundred submitted a list of candidates to the Council of Ancients,
which chose the first Directory. Only one out of the five original members served on the Directory throughout its entire existence. -
State
finances were in total disarray. The government could only cover its expenses
through the plunder and the tribute of foreign countries. The Directory was
continually at war with foreign coalitions. The wars exhausted the state budget but
if peace were made, the armies would return home and the directors would have
to face the exasperation of the rank-and-file who had lost their livelihood, as
well as the ambition of generals who could, in a moment, brush them
aside. -
The
Directory denounced the arbitrary executions of the Reign of Terror, but it
also engaged in large-scale illegal repressions and even massacres of civilians. Although committed to republicanism, it distrusted the existing, albeit limited, democracy. It also increasingly depended
on the Army in foreign and domestic affairs, including finance. The patronage of the directors was ill-bestowed and the general maladministration
heightened their unpopularity. -
On
November 9, 1799 (18 Brumaire of the Year VIII), Napoleon Bonaparte staged the
Coup of 18 Brumaire which installed the Consulate. This effectively led to
Bonaparte’s dictatorship and in 1804 to his proclamation as
emperor, which ended the specifically republican phase of the
French Revolution.
Key Terms
- The Directory
-
A five-member committee that governed France from November 1795, when it replaced the Committee of Public Safety, until it was overthrown by Napoleon Bonaparte in the Coup of 18 Brumaire (November 8-9, 1799) and replaced by the Consulate. It gave its name to the final four years of the French Revolution.
- Coup of 18 Fructidor
-
A seizure of power by members of the French Directory on September 4, 1797, when their opponents, the Royalists, were gaining strength.
- Council of Ancients
-
The upper house of the legislature of France during the period commonly known (from the name of the executive branch during this time) as the Directory, from August 22, 1795 until November 9, 1799, roughly the second half of the French Revolution.
- Reign of Terror
-
A period of violence during
the French Revolution incited by conflict between two rival political factions,
the Girondins and the Jacobins, and marked by mass executions of “the
enemies of the revolution.” The death toll ranged in the tens of
thousands, with 16,594 executed by guillotine and another 25,000 in summary executions across
France. - Coup of 18 Brumaire
-
A bloodless coup d’état under the leadership of Napoleon Bonaparte that overthrew the Directory, replacing it with the French Consulate. It took place on November 9, 1799, 18 Brumaire, Year VIII under the French Republican Calendar.
- War in the Vendée
-
A 1793-1796 uprising in the Vendée region of France during the French Revolution. Initially, the war was similar to the 14th-century Jacquerie peasant uprising, but quickly acquired themes considered by the Paris government to be counter-revolutionary and Royalist.
- Council of Five Hundred
-
The lower house of the legislature of France during the period commonly known (from the name of the executive branch during this time) as the Directory, from August 22, 1795, until November 9, 1799, roughly the second half of the French Revolution.
- National Convention
-
A single-chamber assembly
in France from September 20, 1792, to October 26, 1795, during the French
Revolution. It succeeded the Legislative Assembly and founded the First
Republic after the Insurrection of August 10, 1792.
The New Legislature and the Government
The Constitution of 1795 created the Directory with a bicameral legislature consisting of the Council of Five Hundred (lower house) and the Council of Ancients (upper house).
Besides functioning as legislative bodies, the Council of Five Hundred proposed the list from which the Council of Ancients chose five Directors who jointly held executive power.
The new Constitution sought to create a separation of powers: the Directors had no voice in legislation or taxation, nor could Directors or Ministers sit in either house.
In essence, however, power was in the hands of the five members of the Directory.
In October 1795, immediately after the suppression of a royalist uprising in Paris, the elections for the new Councils decreed by the new constitution took place. The universal male suffrage of 1793 was replaced by limited suffrage based on property. 379 members of the National Convention, for the most part moderate republicans, were elected to the new legislature. To assure that the Directory did not abandon the Revolution entirely, the Council required all the members of the Directory to be former members of the Convention and regicides, those who had voted for the execution of Louis XVI. Due to the rules established by the National Convention, a majority of members of the new legislature had served in the Convention and were ardent republicans, but many new deputies were royalists: 118 versus 11 from the left. The members of the upper house, the Council of Ancients, were chosen by lot from among all of the deputies.
On October 31, 1795, the members of the Council of Five Hundred submitted a list of candidates to the Council of Ancients, which chose the first Directory. It consisted of Paul François Jean Nicolas (commonly known as Paul Barras;
the dominant figure in the Directory known for his skills in political intrigue), Louis Marie de La Révellière-Lépeaux (a fierce republican and anti-Catholic), Jean-François Rewbell (expert in foreign relations and a firm moderate republican), Étienne-François Le Tourneur (a specialist in military and naval affairs), and Lazare Nicolas Marguerite Carnot (an energetic and efficient manager who restructured the French military). Out of the five members, only Barras served during the entire time the Directory existed.
Administration of the Directory
State finances were in total disarray. The government could only cover its expenses through the plunder and tribute of foreign countries.
The Directory was continually at war with foreign coalitions, which at different times included Britain, Austria, Prussia, the Kingdom of Naples, Russia, and the Ottoman Empire. It annexed Belgium and the left bank of the Rhine, while Napoleon Bonaparte conquered a large part of Italy. The Directory established six short-lived sister republics modeled after France in Italy, Switzerland, and the Netherlands. The conquered cities and states were required to send to France huge amounts of money as well as art treasures, which were used to fill the new Louvre museum in Paris. An army led by Bonaparte conquered Egypt and marched as far as Saint-Jean-d’Acre in Syria. The Directory defeated a resurgence of the War in the Vendée, the royalist-led civil war in the Vendée region, but failed in its venture to support the Irish Rebellion of 1798 and create an Irish Republic. The wars exhausted the state budget but if peace was made, the armies would return home and the directors would have to face the exasperation of the rank-and-file who had lost their livelihoods and the ambition of generals who could at any moment brush them aside.
The Directory denounced the arbitrary executions of the Reign of Terror, but also engaged in large-scale illegal repressions and even massacres of civilians (War in the Vendée). The failing economy and high cost of food especially hurt the poor. Although committed to republicanism, the Directory distrusted the existing, albeit limited, democracy. When the elections of 1798 and 1799 were carried by the opposition, it used the Army to imprison and exile opposition leaders and close opposition newspapers. It also increasingly depended on the Army in foreign and domestic affairs, including finance. Barras and Rewbell were notoriously corrupt and screened corruption in others. The patronage of the directors was ill-bestowed and the general maladministration heightened their unpopularity.
Public Discord
With the establishment of the Directory, contemporary observers might have assumed that the Revolution was finished. Citizens of the war-weary nation wanted stability, peace, and an end to conditions that at times bordered on chaos. Those on the right who wished to restore the monarchy by putting Louis XVIII on the throne, and those on the left who would have renewed the Reign of Terror tried but failed to overthrow the Directory. The earlier atrocities had made confidence or goodwill between parties impossible.
The new régime met opposition from Jacobins on the left and Royalists (secretly subsidized by the British government) on the right. The army suppressed riots and counter-revolutionary activities, but the rebellion and in particular Napoleon gained massive power. In the elections of 1797 for one-third of the seats, the Royalists won the great majority and were poised to take control of the Directory in the next election. The Directory reacted by purging all the winners in the Coup of 18 Fructidor, banishing 57 leaders to certain death in Guiana and closing 42 newspapers. By the same token, it rejected democratic elections and kept its old leaders in power.
Sent by Napoleon from Italy, Pierre Augereau and his troops storm Tuileries and capture Generals Charles Pichegru and Willot. Coup d’état of 18 Fructidor, year V (September 4, 1797). Engraving by Berthault, based on a drawing by Girardet.
On September 4, 1797, with the army in place, the Coup d’état of 18 Fructidor, Year V was set in motion. General Augereau’s soldiers arrested Pichegru, Barthélemy, and the leading royalist deputies of the Councils. The next day, the Directory annulled the elections of about two hundred deputies in 53 departments. 65 deputies were deported to Guiana, 42 royalist newspapers were closed, and 65 journalists and editors were deported.
On November 9, 1799 (18 Brumaire of the Year VIII) Napoleon Bonaparte staged the Coup of 18 Brumaire, which installed the Consulate. This effectively led to Bonaparte’s dictatorship and in 1804 to his proclamation as emperor. This ended the specifically republican phase of the French Revolution.
Historians have assessed the Directory as a government of self-interest rather than virtue that lost any claim on idealism. It never had a strong base of popular support. When elections were held, most of its candidates were defeated. Its achievements were minor and the approach reflected another turn towards dictatorship and the failure of liberal democracy. Violence, arbitrary and dubious forms of justice, and heavy-handed repression were methods commonly employed by the Directory.
22.5.7: Napoleon’s Rise to Power
Napoleon’s Italian victories overshadowed his Egyptian defeats during the French Revolutionary Wars, while his position at home strengthened after the Directory became dependent on the military. This made Napoleon the greatest enemy of the same government that relied on his protection.
Learning Objective
Review Napoleon’s career from the military to the Directory
Key Points
-
Upon
graduating from the prestigious École Militaire (military academy) in Paris in
September 1785, Bonaparte was commissioned as a second lieutenant in an artillery
regiment. He spent the early years of the
Revolution in Corsica, fighting in a complex three-way struggle among
royalists, revolutionaries, and Corsican nationalists. He supported the republican Jacobin movement and was promoted to captain in 1792, despite exceeding his leave of absence and leading a riot
against a French army in Corsica. -
Bonaparte was promoted to brigadier general at
the age of 24. Catching the attention of the Committee of Public Safety, he was
put in charge of the artillery of France’s Army of Italy. -
Following the fall of Robespierre and the
Thermidorian Reaction in July 1794, Napoleon, although closely associated with
Robespierre, was released from the arrest within two weeks and asked to draw up plans to attack Italian positions in the
context of France’s war with Austria. -
In October 1795, royalists in Paris declared a
rebellion against the National Convention. Under the leadership of Napoleon, the attackers were repelled on October 5, 1795 (13 Vendémiaire). 1,400 royalists died and the rest fled.
The defeat of the royalist insurrection earned Bonaparte sudden fame, wealth, and the patronage of the
new government, the Directory. - During the French Revolutionary Wars, Napoleon
was successful in a daring invasion of Italy although he failed
to seize Egypt and thereby undermine Britain’s
access to its trade interests in India. After the victories in the Italian campaign and despite the defeats in the Egyptian campaign, Napoleon was welcomed in France as a hero. -
Napoleon drew together an alliance with a number of prominent political figures and they
overthrew the Directory by a coup d’état on November 9, 1799 (Coup of 18th
Brumaire). His power was
confirmed by the new Constitution of 1799, which preserved the appearance of a
republic but in reality established a dictatorship.
Key Terms
- Thermidorian Reaction
-
A 1794 coup
d’état within the French Revolution against the leaders of the
Jacobin Club that dominated the Committee of Public Safety. It was
triggered by a vote of the National Convention to execute Maximilien
Robespierre, Louis Antoine de Saint-Just, and several other leaders of
the revolutionary government. It ended the most radical phase of the French
Revolution. - Committee of Public Safety
-
A committee created in
April 1793 by the National Convention and restructured in July 1793
that formed the de facto executive government in France during the
Reign of Terror (1793–94), a stage of the French Revolution. - 13 Vendémiaire
-
A name given to an October 5, 1795, battle between the French Revolutionary troops and royalist forces in the streets of Paris. The battle was largely responsible for the rapid advancement of Republican General Napoleon Bonaparte’s career. The name comes from
the date of the battle according to the French Republican Calendar. - Directory
-
A five-member
committee that governed France from November 1795, when it replaced
the Committee of Public Safety, until it was overthrown by Napoleon
Bonaparte in the Coup of 18 Brumaire (November 8-9, 1799) and
replaced by the Consulate. It gave its name to the final four years of the
French Revolution. - National Convention
-
A single-chamber assembly
in France from September 20, 1792, to October 26, 1795, during the French
Revolution. It succeeded the Legislative Assembly and founded the First
Republic after the Insurrection of August 10, 1792. - Coup of 18th Brumaire
-
A bloodless coup d’état
under the leadership of Napoleon Bonaparte that overthrew the Directory, replacing
it with the French Consulate. It took place on November 9, 1799, 18
Brumaire, Year VIII under the French Republican Calendar. - French Revolutionary Wars
-
A series of sweeping military
conflicts lasting from 1792 until 1802, resulting from the French Revolution.
They pitted the French First Republic against Britain, Austria, and several
other monarchies. They are divided in two periods: the War of the First
Coalition (1792–1797) and the War of the Second
Coalition (1798–1802). Initially confined to Europe, the fighting
gradually assumed a global dimension as the political ambitions of the
Revolution expanded. - Coup of 18 Fructidor
-
A seizure of power by
members of the French Directory on September 4, 1797, when their opponents,
the Royalists, were gaining strength.
Napoleon Bonaparte (1769 – 1821) was a French military and political leader who rose to prominence during the French Revolution and led several successful campaigns during the Revolutionary Wars. As Napoleon I, he was emperor of the French from 1804 until 1814, and again in 1815. He dominated European and global affairs for more than a decade while leading France against a series of coalitions in the Napoleonic Wars. He remains one of the most celebrated and controversial political figures in human history.
Early Career
Upon graduating from the prestigious
École Militaire (military academy) in Paris in September 1785, Bonaparte was commissioned as a second lieutenant in an artillery regiment. He served in Valence and Auxonne until after the outbreak of the Revolution in 1789 and took nearly two years’ leave in Corsica (where he was born and spent his early years) and Paris during this period. At this time, he was a fervent Corsican nationalist. He spent the early years of the Revolution in Corsica, fighting in a complex three-way struggle among royalists, revolutionaries, and Corsican nationalists. He was a supporter of the republican Jacobin movement, organizing clubs in Corsica, and was given command over a battalion of volunteers. He was promoted to captain in the regular army in 1792, despite exceeding his leave of absence and leading a riot against a French army in Corsica.
He returned to Corsica and came into conflict with the Corsican leader Pasquale Paoli, who decided to split with France and sabotage the French assault on the Sardinian island of La Maddalena. Bonaparte and his family fled to the French mainland in June 1793 because of the conflict with Paoli.
Napoleon Bonaparte, aged 23, lieutenant-colonel of a battalion of Corsican Republican volunteers, paitning by Henri Félix Emmanuel Philippoteaux, ca. 1834.
Born and raised in Corsica,
Napoleon’s first language was Corsican and he always spoke French with a marked Corsican accent .
The Corsican Buonapartes were descended from minor Italian nobility of Tuscan origin, who had come to Corsica from Liguria in the 16th century. His father Carlo Buonaparte was named Corsica’s representative to the court of Louis XVI in 1777.
Bonaparte was promoted to brigadier general at the age of 24. Catching the attention of the Committee of Public Safety, he was put in charge of the artillery of France’s Army of Italy. He devised plans for attacking the Kingdom of Sardinia as part of France’s campaign against the First Coalition. The French army carried out Bonaparte’s plan in the Battle of Saorgio in April 1794 and then advanced to seize Ormea in the mountains. From Ormea, they headed west to outflank the Austro-Sardinian positions around Saorge. After this campaign, he was sent on a mission to the Republic of Genoa to determine that country’s intentions towards France.
Rise as a Military Leader
Following the fall of Robespierre and the Thermidorian Reaction in July 1794, Napoleon, although closely associated with Robespierre, was released from the arrest within two weeks. He was asked to draw up plans to attack Italian positions in the context of France’s war with Austria. He also took part in an expedition to take back Corsica from the British, but the French were repelled by the British Royal Navy.
In October 1795, royalists in Paris declared a rebellion against the National Convention. Paul Barras, a leader of the Thermidorian Reaction, knew of Bonaparte’s earlier military exploits and gave him command of the improvised forces in defense of the Convention in the Tuileries Palace. Napoleon had seen the massacre of the King’s Swiss Guard there three years earlier and realized that artillery would be the key to its defense. He ordered a young cavalry officer named Joachim Murat to seize large cannons and used them to repel the attackers on October 5, 1795 (13 Vendémiaire in the French Republican Calendar). 1,400 royalists died and the rest fled. The defeat of the royalist insurrection extinguished the threat to the Convention and earned Bonaparte sudden fame, wealth, and the patronage of the new government, the Directory. He was promoted to Commander of the Interior and given command of the Army of Italy.
Conquest of Italy
During the French Revolutionary Wars,
Napoleon was successful in a daring invasion of Italy. In the Montenotte Campaign, he separated the armies of Sardinia and Austria, defeating each one in turn, and then forced a peace on Sardinia. Following this, his army captured Milan and started the Siege of Mantua. Bonaparte defeated successive Austrian armies under three different leaders while continuing the siege.
The next phase of the conflict featured the French invasion of the Habsburg heartlands. In the first encounter between the two armies, Napoleon pushed back his opponents and advanced deep into Austrian territory. The Austrians were alarmed by the French thrust that reached all the way to Leoben, not very far from Vienna, and finally decided to sue for peace. The Treaty of Leoben, followed by the more comprehensive Treaty of Campo Formio, gave France control of most of northern Italy and the Low Countries, and a secret clause promised the Republic of Venice to Austria. Bonaparte marched on Venice and forced its surrender, ending 1,100 years of independence. He also authorized the French to loot treasures.
In the Italian campaign, Bonaparte’s army captured 150,000 prisoners, 540 cannons, and 170 standards. The French army fought 67 actions and won 18 pitched battles through superior artillery technology and Bonaparte’s tactics. During the campaign, Bonaparte became increasingly influential in French politics. The royalists attacked Bonaparte for looting Italy and warned that he might become a dictator. Bonaparte also sent General Pierre Augereau to Paris to lead a coup d’état and purge the royalists on September 4 (Coup of 18 Fructidor). This left Barras and his republican allies in control again but dependent on Bonaparte, who proceeded to peace negotiations with Austria. These negotiations resulted in the Treaty of Campo Formio, and Bonaparte returned to Paris in December as a hero. He met Talleyrand, France’s new Foreign Minister—who served in the same capacity for Emperor Napoleon—and they began to prepare for an invasion of Britain.
Expedition to Egypt
Bonaparte decided on a military expedition to seize Egypt and thereby undermine Britain’s access to its trade interests in India. Bonaparte wished to establish a French presence in the Middle East, with the ultimate dream of linking with Tipu Sultan, a Muslim enemy of the British in India. In May 1798, Bonaparte was elected a member of the French Academy of Sciences. His Egyptian expedition included a group of 167 scientists, with mathematicians, naturalists, chemists, and geodesists among them (their discoveries included the Rosetta Stone).
General Bonaparte and his expedition eluded pursuit by the Royal Navy and landed at Alexandria in July. In August, the British fleet under Horatio Nelson captured or destroyed all but two French vessels in the Battle of the Nile, defeating Bonaparte’s goal to strengthen the French position in the Mediterranean. In early 1799, he moved an army into the Ottoman province of Damascus (Syria and Galilee). Bonaparte led 13,000 French soldiers in the conquest of the coastal towns of Arish, Gaza, Jaffa, and Haifa. The attack on Jaffa was particularly brutal. Bonaparte discovered that many of the defenders were former prisoners of war, ostensibly on parole, so he ordered the garrison and 1,400 prisoners to be executed by bayonet or drowning to save bullets. Men, women, and children were robbed and murdered for three days.
Bonaparte began with an army of 13,000 men: 1,500 were reported missing, 1,200 died in combat, and thousands perished from disease. He failed to reduce the fortress of Acre, so he marched his army back to Egypt in May. To speed up the retreat, Bonaparte ordered plague-stricken men to be poisoned with opium. The number who died remains disputed, ranging from a low of 30 to a high of 580. He also brought out 1,000 wounded men.
The 18th Brumaire
Despite the failures in Egypt, Napoleon returned to a hero’s welcome. He allied with a number of prominent political figures tooverthrew the Directory by a coup d’état on November 9, 1799 (Coup of 18th Brumaire, according to the revolutionary calendar), closing down the Council of Five Hundred. Napoleon became “first consul” for ten years, and appointed two consuls who had consultative voices only. His power was confirmed by the new Constitution of 1799, which preserved the appearance of a republic but in reality established a dictatorship.